IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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Photograpiiic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICIViH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  6t6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-dtre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
unG  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  mdthode  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiqu^s  ci-dessous. 


n 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


□    Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 


□ 


Covers  damaged/ 
Couverture  endommagee 


□    Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagdes 


D 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaurde  et/ou  pellicul6e 


□    Pag'js  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restaurdes  et/ou  pellicul^es 


D 
D 


Cover  title  missing/ 

Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 

Coloured  maps/ 

Cartes  gdographiques  en  couleur 


r^Tj^^ Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
I 1    Pages  d^color^es,  tachet^es  ou  piquees 


□Pages  detached/ 
Pages  d^tach^es 


a 


Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 


□    Showthrough/ 
Transparence 


D 


Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 
Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 


□    Quality  of  print  varies/ 
Qualite  in^gaie  de  {'impression 


n 


Bound  with  other  material/ 
Relid  avec  d'autres  documents 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  reliure  serree  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  intirieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajoutdes 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais,  lorsque  cela  dtait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6t6  filmdes. 


D 
D 
D 


Includes  supplementary  material/ 
Comprend  du  materiel  supplementaire 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  6t6  filmdes  d  nouveau  de  facon  d 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


□ 


Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppldmentaires; 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  filmd  au  taux  de  reduction  indiqu6  ci-dessous. 

10X  14X  18X  22X 


26X 


30X 


y 

12X                            16X                            20X                            24X                            28X                            32X 

The  copy  filmad  her*  ha*  been  reproduced  thanks 
to  the  generosity  of: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  British  Columbia 


L'exemplaire  film*  fut  reproduit  grAce  k  la 
g^niroslti  de: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  British  Columbia 


The  images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
otj  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


The  latJt  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  -^»>  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  y  (meaning  "END">, 
whichever  applies. 

Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Las  images  suivantes  ont  At*  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  at 
de  la  nettetA  de  l'exemplaire  filmA,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  da 
filmage. 

Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  cuuverture  en 
papier  est  imprimAe  sont  filmis  en  commengant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
dernlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration.  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  filmAs  en  commen9ant  par  la 
premiers  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  derniAre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  — ^  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc..  peuvent  dtre 
filmAs  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diffArents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clich6,  ii  est  film*  A  partir 
de  Tangle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombro 
d'images  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

/Ifp 


l^^^' 


9tl 
CI 


,HON 


iSLIVERB 

I 


SPEECH 


or 


-V 


HON.  MR.  HOUSTON,  OF  ALABAMA, 


,.  "i' 


■if 


OM  THJI 


;iii''  •■'* ..  'v-ii-i-- 


,!t/';,      -.-/.Jv^^v 


OREGON   QUESTION. 


I... ,  ■■.      ;  .t.-  .■■»;i^i:''i  .-   -    •'   '»■    :i 


4SLIVERED  IN  COMMITTEE  OF  THE  WHOLE  ON  THE  STATE  OP  THE  UNION, 


FEBRUARY  6,  184«. 


WASHINGTON : 

raiXTSD  AT  THB  OmOB  or  THE  DAILT  TOIM. 

1846,' 


M 


6h^O 


4 

4 


SPEECH. 


4 

1 

* 

* 

•». 

'he  Home  of  Representatives,  Felmtarxj  6, 
\i<o — Tlu)  Houso  being  in  Committpe  of  the 
/"hole  oil  the  state  of  the  Union,  and  the  re- 
liition  repv)rteil  by  the  Committee  on  Fo- 
ign  Relations,  providinar  for  the  abrogation, 
'  a  notice  to  (ifcai  Britain,  of  the  conven- 
\n  of  August  Gtli,  1827,  between  Great  Bri- 
in  and  ihe  United  Slates,  being,  together 
it^i  the  propfwed  amendments  to  said  resolu- 
)ii  under  consideration — 

T.  HOUSTON  obtained  the  floor,  and  ad- 
s^l  the  (;ommitteeas  follows  : 
r.  Chairman  :  It  was  my  expectation  until 
f  or  two  ago  to  have  voted  upon  the  resolu- 
Hrequesting  the    President  of  the    United 
88  to  give  notice  to  Great  Britain   to  termi- 
<he  joint  convention  between   the  United 
3»and  Great  Britain,  in  relation  to  the  Ore- 
territory,  without  remark;  my  purpose  was 
to  participate   in  the   debate,  and  I  would 
I  Adhered  to  that  purpose,  but  for  the  strange, 
fl^t  say  embarrassing,  circumstancbs  with 
sll  I  am  surrounded. 

ftld  myself  differing,  widely  differing  from 
fio{  my  southern  friends,  as  well  as  a  por- 
ei  my  own  colleagues.  Under  these  cir- 
Stftnces.  I  feel  it  due  alike  to  them,  to  my- 
Md,  more  than  all,  to  my  constituents,  to 
3  %<ifore  the  country  some  of  Ihe  reasons 
5h"will  influence  and  direct  my  course  upjon 
otieasion. 

do  not  intend  to  contribute  to  the  feeling 
5h  seems  to  pi'evail  to  some  extent,  to  make 
a  party  or  a  sectional  question.  And  while 
ally  disapprove  of  the  remarks  made  at  an 
T  vta^e  of  this  debate,  by  an  honorable  mem- 
Tim  New  York,  [Mr.  P.  King,]  in  the  same 
c  and  friendly  spirit,  I  must  be  allowed  to 
69  my  deep  regret  at  the  observations  in 
f  ftom  the  gentleman  from  South  Carolina, 
.  Rhett,]  as  well  as  those  of  my.  colleague, 
.  Yancy.] 

his  is  a  question  which  soars  above  all  such 
agb  and  considerations;  and  it  is  with  as- 
Mient  and  pain  that  I  hear  gentlemen  from 
^vision  of  the  Union  speak  of  it  in  any 
r  ftght  than  as  a  high  ruaional  question — 
;aiolving  the  interest  and  the  honor  of  the 
^nation.  Why  is  it  called  a  western  ques- 
i    Can  it  be  because  the  controversy  has 


grown  out  of  western  territory?  I  will  not  do 
honorable  members  tlie  injustice  to  suppose  such 
a  thing;  tiiey  would  sjuirn  the  idea  if  directly 
presented  to  thorn.  Are  our  western  friends  the 
peculiar  guardians  and  defenders  of  national  ho- 
nor ?  I  dispute  it  fur  my  constituents;  they  will 
yield  to  no  one  in  their  faithful  adherence  to, 
and  unflinching  defence  of  their  country  and  its 
honor.  1  throw  bael:  upon  members  who  have 
"set  up^'  an  exclusive  claim  to  this  question,  the 
imputation  which  slionld  arise  from  such  claim  if 
acquiesced  in  by  others.  This  is  the  country's, 
the  people's  (piestion,  and  all  of  their  represen- 
tatives have  the  sanie  interest  in  it. 

Mr.  Chairman,  every  great  measure  has  in- 
discreet friends,  who  wisli  to  control  and  direct 
it;  who,  in  the  abundance  of  their  zeal  to  ad- 
vance, actually  obstruct  and  retard  it.  Texas 
had  such  friends — Oregon  has  such  now  upon 
this  floor — who  either  will  not  or  cannot  act 
with  proper  discretion,  with  proper  discrimina- 
tion. Hence  w(j  hear  gentlemen  taking  to  task 
the  entire  South,  indirectly  censuring  the  repre- 
sentatives and  their  constituents  because  some  of 
the  representatives  from  that  division  of  the 
Union,  in  the  discharsre  of  their  duty,  as  they 
doubtless  believe,  think  proper  to  oppose  the 
giving  of  this  notice — who  censure  a  whole 
State  because  a  part  of  her  members  do  not  act 
to  suit  them.  Such  proscription  is  intolerable, 
and  I  regret  to  see  it;  it  is  unfair  and  unbecom- 
ing a  representative  of  intelligent  people.  If  I 
act  improperly  upon  this  or  any  other  subject, 
arraign  or  assail  me  for  it  if  you  will;  but  let 
me  ask  that  you  have  the  boldness  to  name  me; 
point  out  my  dereliction;  do  not  content  your- 
self with  such  generalities  as  that  all  are  impli- 
cated, and  thereby  evade  responsibility,  as  no 
one  would  be  justified  in  repelling  it,  without 
subjecting  himself  to  the  charge  of  feeling  his 
own  guilt  by  repelling  an  accusation  which 
may  not  have  been  intended  for  him.  Oregon 
would  have  been  stronger  to-day  had  it  not  beea 
for  the  rash  and  indiscreet  course  pursued  by 
some  of  its  friends. 

I  have  not  the  power,  and  certainly  not  the 
disposition,  to  read  any  one  out  of  the  democrat- 
ic  ranks;  every  member  of  that  great  party  who 
is  honest  in  his  professions  stani^  upon  the  nme 
great  principle  ^of  equality— upon  the  basis  <£ 


i 


democratic  republicanUin — and  can  claim  felloMr- 
Hhip  until  he  fails  to  sijuarc  his  political  action 
by  the  republican  creed  hs  oxpunded  by  the  fa- 
thers of  the  constitution.  If  he  should  be  dire 
lict,  it  is  not  fur  me  to  read  him  out,  nor  for  this 
House,  but  it  is  a  matter  which  belonirs  to  the 
people;  they  are  the  "■church  members^'  (if  I 
may  be  allowed  the  uso  of  the  expression)  who 
have  the  power  to  pass  u|xin  him;  and  if,  in 
their  opinion,  he  is  unworthy,  they  will  excom- 
nmnirate  hira.  While  I  would  nor,  consent, 
therelbre,  for  any  other  member  to  speak  for  my 
constituents,  1  would  not  presume  to  speak  for 
others.  I  hold  it  to  be  th«  duty  of  the  represen- 
tative to  exercise  bis  own  judgment  upon  mea- 
sures as  they  are  presented  to  him,  and  act  as 
lie  Qiay  think  the  interest  of  the  people  requires. 
'.tf  ,they  express  to  him  their  will,  that  should  be 
jh^|},^ide  upon  questions  where  the  constitution 
j^q^  ,qot  interpose  an  obstacle. 

IVm  well  aware  that  jealonses  and  ill  feel- 
'  um,  at  times,  exist  in  all  parties.     We  had  a 
Mujdm  example  of  this  in  our  efforts,  at  the 
,  jkst  .(^^ress,  to  annex  Te.xas  to   this  Union. 
On  that  occauon,  unf()riiinately  as  I  believe  for 
>'.0i^flf  and  the  country,  some  of  the   prominent 
o;^e^pers  of  the  dejnoeratic  party  differed  with 
Uie  majority.    They  said  they  were  for  Tex- 
as, but  not  at  that    timt.      "Wait  awhile.;" 
'  ^.pi^  ytfur  time."    They  were  for  '^nuuterly 
iiu^Mtity," 'which,  in  my  judgment,  seldom  ac- 
"Ctkpinishes  any  great  good.  They  avowed  them- 
"inyesfoi' 'Texas,  but  not  in  the  precise  mode  se- 
'Hetfld  by  their  friends.    The  consequence  was, 
upoii  tl^'e  wise  principle  that  those  who  are  not 
'')pf  iisare  agfaiast  us,  they  werr*  "set  down"  as 
^hfthndiy  to  the  annexation  of  Texas,  and  can- 
''demned4)y  'the  twirty  over  the  whole  country.    I 
'Dt^  ifot  sjpeak  of  it  now  for  the  purpose  of  justi-< 
'^fVhjg  or  etosuvipg  their  course.  I  disagreed  with 
|tn^  then,  and  have  not  dianged  that  opinion. 
'I^lid'not,  however,  denounce  and  abuse  them. 
l^cW  has  never  been  my  course  of  action.    I 
'  ])riulf  wllKnff  to  condemn  and  treat  them  as  oppo- 
iiiici^ta*  ini  that  question;  but  I  was  disinclined  to 
)i^;|ibltcy  bf  treating  with  extreme  harslmess 
Jiose^^'^fionr  friends  who  had  served  us  long 
wit  Wl^Wy  ^pon  every  other  question  except 
the  bne'theii  'h!&}ote  the  country,  cotwithstand- 
'i^ 'it  xvas  one  of  vast,  almost  ^ital  importance, 
'^tise' i^eniJiii^tices  are  dottbt)ess  diaagreeable 
iiof'all'' <^  us,  tthd '  \  only  atiude  to  theiri'fi»r  the 
irpOEfe  of'^^fifying  ftiy  posftion  on  'this  oeca^ 


{^^iC  ^1  siahd  ixrw  ^h^e'f  Wd  ihen.    We  are 

.d^n'difl^ng  tipon  a  great  national  question.. 

'  SC^e '  bi*  (^tif  Ari|9Wds  ai^'ftnad  in  'enpo^tioft  tp 

'4SbfrresM<tti^  discttasitin,  arid  it  so  hap- 

fwiii^^i-itSAKfoi  them  T^ereofiKhat  numbet 

'  unid  ^f e  "^ftrntfeM"  and  myst  harsh  in  their  de^ 

nanciations  of,  and  invectives  against,  the  diaa-t 

^g^ecinigc  nieitibers  on  the  T^xas  qnes^n.   SThey 

^■%toj'knd 'doubtless  :do,^&el  the  foree  of  their 

■  <6ytti  -«enMM»  fw^n  others, i  and  can  ;aif^Iy  to 

'^eniS«»lve8  tmh- strictores aslhey  then  appiiied 


k  y  that  I 

QBtioil     < 

to  their  frirnds.  They  tell  us  they  aro  iu'ow  ollit 
gon,  but  not  nnw,  they  tell  us  we  mu8ty|bl(\  1 
our  time"  "wait  awhile,"  bring  into  full  \^  inicmi 
"American  vnilliplication  Uthk;"  \\\v\,  ,|,^  instr; 
to  be  for  Oregon,  but  not  in  thu  nu)dc  .indcr.stod 
and  agrec^d  ujion  (if  indications  arc  wuriMjoniicni' 
thing)  by  our  friends;  they  should  not,  th(op|MMeil 
complain  too  much  if  the  true  I'ricnds  hi  hav»? 
measure  should  say  to  them  that  they  l^iHop|)> 
iiesl,  if  not  well-founded  fears,  that  th(j^r  my  o| 
oppose  the  notice  are  not  in  truth  frieiwill  be  n 
Oregon  at  all.     And,  although  I  do  not   ^  or  two  I 

it,  yet  f  am  by  no  means  istonisliod  to  seition co 

who  were  ccnsttred  by  them  then,  turnitielaosed  ti 
own  "tu'tilltry  upon  them"  on  this  oi  .^  It  is  ki 
Such  is  the  fate  of  war,  and  cannot  alMQt  to  tiie 
avoided,  especially  when  our  lot  is  cast  !^  withoii 
those  who  lose  eight  of,  and  disregard  tl)d|  or  qui;!: 
cred  injunction  which  admonishes  us  to,g,t!ie  Pi 
others  as  we  would  have  them,  under  lij  we  in 
ciimstaoc^s,  to  do  unto  us.  i4o\it  a  1 

I  cannot  say  that  party  feeling  has  jjindcr  t 
thing  to  do  with  the  subject  before  us.  jYermont 
tleman  from  Tennessee,  [Mr.  Gentry,] |}ie  whiji 
to  labor  to  show  that  this  was  an  adminijialls  as  t 
measure,  and  to  draw  the  party  lines  upqjjpstlun  lb 
will  not  say  his  opposition  to  it  was  of  %;es  of  thi 
character.  1  leave  that  to  the  judgmeni,^.^J3tit  J  h 
country;  but  from  the  fierce  and  unprovi^^rom  th 
sanlts  made  by  hira,  I  am  left  to  draw  s,J^icn  mad 
inferences  as  the  facts  justify.  iber  of  eiti 

That  honorable  meinber,  [Mr.  GENTiip|)nse   th; 
unnecesi^arily  severe  in   his  stjriotores,  fpill — and 
menting  upon  the  call  which  the  UofUMB^respund 
presentatives  made  upon  the  ExeoutivtyjlH!  sent 
or  two  since,  for  such  additional  covresfii}  fur  its 
as  may  have  taken  f^acebelween  the  twuruke  at  the 
ments,  since  the  "o/jcwing^"  of  the  preseifiat  the 
gress,  relative  to   the  Oregon  dtfficnliH,on  the  i 
necting  it  <witii  a  resolution  suhsequedtli  ^  that  a 
ed  by  the  House   to  close  the  present  (i(14  not,  re 
the  9th  of  this  month.    The  graat  cvthat  the  1 
with  which   he  spoke  of  additional  <Wiai^"  in  o; 
dence  between  the  two  goveromeBtSisiiespondenci 
which  was  presented  to  us,  accompanoiiQd  the  ci 
President's  annual    message,   as    welliavinir  dm 
seeming  knowledge  of  the  i$tate  and  con  mp  to  do. 
the  negotiation,  might  create  a  «u«piciiiiBg'  this  de 
minds  of  those  who  inay  .netknowhijiiie  it.    Si.\ 
asl'do  that  he  has.mcanaof  infonnatieuss  a  sin: 
flJImnMcl'thvaugb  wihich  he  receives  ial(^.4bat  time 
(M  tMatBijihioDiiintt  'ffke/t.mdioptnV  (oiiMffted  wit 
raemh«csjaf  tUstcommiit^.  'How  cwiiiything  e 
asythiiif  >afaout,  a  oorraspondftiKie  4)ot  jMir^nmch 
:pubtid?'«i^atisuchfj»>oa0  haSitak«iiiWK  they  \ 
;«U  y    He  certuniy  cannot.-9et  >.  'Afyaiii^  not  do 
vcrnment  of  the  United  State^,,for,Aa{al4'be  resp 
the  fact  that  the  Prtwideiit'keftpssuc^  so  still. 
fbm  the  "public  Mu/i'i  as  iiba  shomid  dat^^would  ha 
dently  woqld  lefuseto  oomtauracat«W(|or  upon 
.avowed  political'Opponent^isvBn  were  hefvlprant  of 
to  vv^if^ateuihexfiruftiuitd  usueiiecy   usual  ||)sse8sion 
{correspondence,    ^hereu  but  oneiHbt 
iirbm:  wltieh  it  jconld  em^tite.    t  do  Ji« 


I  * 

i 

f  ihul  I'll'  li  >in)ra!»lu  niomber  obtuiriH  liis 
oalioii  tiilirr  .lircctly  (ir  iiulir.'clly  Iroiii 
ell  us  they  are  fn'ouf!  (Alicr  .tim/rc,"  lo  s;iy  «>J  would  hi-  iiii 
tell  us  we  mu8tt»bl(^  I  know  iiiin  well  onougli  to  bflKiv*- 
"  bring  into  lull  ij^  iiitciiilofl  tu  be  uiulcrstood  as  iriviu^  :ui 
m  tahU;^'  tln'V  »n,  iii-itcad  of  assLTliiiiT  n  kiniwlrd'^e  (as  Ik- 
ot  ill  ihi!  iiuhIc  .in dcrs lucid  by  soiiic)  of  lb*- existence  of  tlie 
licatiuns  arc  worlj|x»nd(  in'c  to  wbicli  he  alluded, 
py  should  not,  thfoppused  the  cull  iipuii  the  Rxecutive,  to 
he  true  tViends  h  I  have  just  referred,  and  I  am  hai)i>y  lo 
them  that  they  Itfiis  o|i|)ortiiiiiiy  of  rrivin'^f  s  .uie  of  tlie  rea- 

fears,  that  thciftir  my  opp  isition. 
it  in  truth  friernjill  be  n:!iie:nbered  that  the  Senate  had  b'lt 
hough  I  do  not  S'.or  two  before  made  a  eall  for  the  same  in 
I  istonished  to  seifjon — correspond!  nee.  SufHeient  time  had 
hem  then,  turniiielapsed  Iti  enal)le  the  President  to  respond 
itwi"  on  this  01  ,  It  is  known  that  if  the  information  should 
r,  and  eannot  al\int  to  the  Senate,  it  will  also  come  into  this 
1  our  lot  is  cast  aj^  without  a  eall.  These  facts  will  not  be 
and  disregard  tljjj  or  questioned;  hut  instead  of  waiting  and 
monishes  us  tO|«j,ibe  President  a  reasonable  lime  to  re- 
e  them,  under  lij  we  in  "hot  huxW''  bring  into  tli<!  House 
8.  id'Opt'   a  literal  copy  of  the  Senate's  resolu- 

ty  feeling  has  ,jinder  the  lead  of  a  distinguished  whig 
iject  before  U8.  ,yermont(Mr.  Coi.,L,AMKii.|  \  do  not  deny 
[Mr.  GENTRY,]^e  whigs  have  the  same  right  to  propose 
is  was  an  adminijialls  as  the  de.nocrats.  I  will  not  dispute 
e  party  lines  up(|||Etion  their  right,  nor  will  I  impugn  the 
ion  to  it  was  of  ves  of  the  honorable  mover  of  this  resolu- 
to  the  judgment  .^,  But  I  have  aright  to  draw  my  own  infer- 
eree  and  unprovi^j^rom  the  facts  presented;  and  as  the  call 
no  left  to  dmw  s,j^ion  made  by  the  Senate — and  as  not  one 
siify.  »ber  of  eitlior  House  of  Congress  would  say 

ler,  [Mr.  GEHTtippose  that  the  President  would  disregard 
his  Btjiotiiues,  ^11 — and  as  it  was  known,  if  responded  to, 
trhich  the  Ha«8«B^respundence  or  answer  would  al.so  neces- 
'X  the  Exe«iiitiv(y(bn  sent  to  the  House,  I  am  left  without  a 
Iditional  cofrespin  for  its  introduction  into  the  House,  unless 
between  the  twurife  at  the  conclusion  that  it  was  intended  as 
i^"  of  the  presfijl|at  the  President — intended  to  create  the 
Oregon  diraciiltjf  on  the  minds  of  the  oeople,  that  he  would 
ion  suteequehtli  flr  that  a  majority  of  the  House  believed  he 
ie  the  pres«!nl  dil4  not,  respond  to  the  call  of  the  Senate; 
The  great  C(j  (bat  the  House  had  to  Join  in  and  "■(/ojj-  at 
of  additional  Wiai^"  in  order  to  obtiiin  from  him  the  desired 
goverameatS'Siwipondencft.  Under  ih«se  circumstances  I 
»  us,  accom|Wiio«(8(d  the  call,  and  feel  a  conscious  conviction 
ssage,  as  welljaving  done  that  wiiich  was  right  and  proper 
le  dtate  and  con  di@  to  do.  I  also  voted  for  the  resolution 
neate  a  «u8picisiag  this  debate,  because  I  thought  it  time  to 
y  ,not  know  hifliie  it.  Six  weeks  will  certainly  an.3wer  to 
snaof  iatbrinatisuss  u  single  prop(Jsition;  if  we  bestow  but 
he  reccivea  ioli^ttbat  time  upon  each  of  the  other  measures 
t.MdiOmnV  WUHlWted  with  Oregon,  we  will  have  no  time  to 
t^.  'IniW  0»B»PfJlhiiig  else.  The  people  have  grown  tired 
pondfUROe  /OOt  .^t^nmch  debate;  they  want  a  vote  of  the 
»><iae  'haSitaksniHW;  they  want  to  see  what  we  intend  to  do. 
mwtrKet  lit  Aunlid'  not  doubt,  however,  but  that  the  call 
\  Statep„for,Aatol4'be  responded  to  before  the  9th  instant.  F 
ident'keftps  .-ancyt  so  still.  Nor  do  I  believe  that  the  Presi- 
18  >ibA8h(ro]d  dot  would  have  suffered  this  House  to  commit 
0  oonitauraoat«Wtt>r  upon  an  important  question  like  this  for 
[it^;«VBn  w«*ehei»|jirant  of  a  correspondence  or  information  in 
("Bucnecy  nsual  fOssession — that  he  would  quietly  stand  by 
lisbut  one^tbi 
limiite.    t  do  Ji« 


and  sen  us  involve  the  country  in  a  war,  upon  a 
P'lint  of  rl!i(//(c«e  btwroubim  and  the  legisla- 
ture—witbl\old  inforunlion  which  we  ought  to  • 
have,  and  vvhi(!h  he  desired  we  should  have, 
uerely  because  we  bad  not  made  a  formal  call 
Uj«)n  him  for  it.  Such  an  idea  is  ridiculous;  Imt 
as  we  have  made  tlu;  c.'H.  I  am  in  favor  of  wait- 
ing for  the  response;  ai..l  if  not  made  by  theOlh, 
extend  the  time. 

You  and  I,  Mr.  Chairman,  as  well  as  the 
present  Governor  of  Ibe  State  of  Tennessee, 
should  feel  ourselves  arraigned  before  this  com- 
mittee and  the  country  by  a  member  from  that 
State  [Mr.  Cockk  |  f.ir "inconsistency.  That  lio- 
norable  member  has  thought  fi'.  to  read  %  para^ 
graph  from  a  re|)ort  made  by  the  Hon.  A.  V. 
Brown  at  the  last  Con<jrress  as  chairman  of  tho 
Committee  on  Territories,  of  which  we  were 
then  members,  in  which  paragraph,  he  says.tho^ 
comrrjiltee  declare  this  lo  be  ai\  executive,  and 
not  a  legislative  question.  I  regret  that  the  gen- 
tleman Is  not  now  in  bis  seat,  as  1  have  a  few 
words  to  say  in  reply  ami  explanation,  which  I 
desired  he  should  hear.  He  does  not  show  a 
perfect  knowledge  of  the  practice  of  this  House,' 
when  he  takes  Tt  as  granted  that  each  member 
who  fails  to  make  a  minority  report  thereby  sub- 
scribes to  all  the  doctrines,  much  less  the  reason- 
in(r,  of  the  majority  rejnrt.  He  forgets  that 
there  is,  in  truth,  no  sudi  thing  known  to  thei 
rules  of  the  House  as  a  ''minority  reports  A 
committee  can  make  but  one  re|)ort;  an-l  that  is 
to  be  done  by  direction  of  a  majority.  I  admit 
that  "minority  reports.''  lis  we  are  pleased  to 
call  them,  have  grown  into  use  by  pmniasiou  of 
the  House;  and,  under  that  permission,  the  mi- 
nority of  that  eonunittei!  might  have  presented 
their  views.  It  was  not  necessary,  howeverj 
for  them  to  do  so  in  order  lo  shield  themselves 
from  a  committal  to  the  report  of  the  maaority. 
Their  failure  to  report  implies  no  such  committah, 
It  would  be  a  strange  state  ofthings  if  the  reverse 
of  what  I  say  were  true.  Vou  could,  by  search- 
ing the  records,  involve  every  man  who  has  ever 
been  on  a  committee  in  Congress  in  the  same 
character  of  inconsistency  if  his  position  should 
hold.  I  wished  the  honorable  meinber  [Mr. 
Cocke]  to  account  to  tbisommittee,  if  hecould 
do  so,  (and  I.  of  cnnm,  presume  he  could,)  for 
some  very  strange  omissions  on  his  part. 

He  is  mistaken  in  saying   that   the  report  to 
which  he  referred  makes  a  positive  declaration., 
as  to  the  true  character  of  this  immediate  que8^ 
tion.     If  he  had  paid  the  same  attention  to  the i 
facts  and  arguments  of  that   report  which  he> 
seems  to  have  done  in  hunting  out  an  inconsis- 
tency on  the  part  of  the  Governor  of  hisStete,., 
he  could  but  have  seen  and  understood  that,  aa  ; 
far  as  the   report  itself  tjoes,  the  question  is  left  : 
in   doubt,  and,  as  such,  the  chairnaan  declinild'' 
to  enter  into  a  premature  investigation  and  uae^. 
less  decision  of  it.     Tho  committee,  it  seenupr 
(or  reasons  not  given,  had  determined  to. refpwitit 
a  bill  without  the  notice;  possibly  because  they 


TT 


tlioiiirlit  llial  braiicli  of  ll;«!  Hutijcrt  lii'loiifjod  to 
the  roniiniltrM.'  im  l''on'it,ni  A  (lairs,  as  it  in  triitli 
<iitrs,  ami  as  the  iidtif'  uas  llicn  pt'iidiiiL';  I'l 
tlio  Hfiusr,  nr  Conuniltci!  ol'  llin  Wlmlc  uu  llic 
stato  of  tlif  Union,  in  a  scianito  r'soliiliim^  and 
jis  npwjtiatiiiiis  wen;  aln.i  in  iirnrrc-s  lutwccn 
tlie  two  s,iivprnnM>iiis,  tlic  .  Iiairncm  v»'ry  proprr 
ly  passn)  on  willi  Inil  litili-  nioif  llian  a  hare  al- 
iiision  to  it.  And  il'mv  li'<n(irnhit!  iVitMid  had  rcail 
evon  thp  l)('i>iniMii^' ot  ihr  very  next  parai^raph 
to  th(!  ono  (jnoird  by  iiini,  ho  wmhl  have  ston 
that  the  report  prncccdtil  to  say,  '•««  rnniifxivn 
ivilh  this  hranrh  (if  the  siilijcrl,  is-r..,"  and  states 
that  it  was  ihon  inidt  rstdud  (liat  negotiations 
wore  in  proirress  jjetwcen  the  },'overninents,  and 
connected  that  liir.-l  as  a  reason,  if  not  the  prin- 
cipal reason,  with  the  donhl  ex))resHod  as  to  the 
nature  of  tlie  cpiestion  w  hy  he  (ieeiined  its  in- 
vestijration.  Tfiere  is  another  fael  to  whicli  he 
should  have  referred,  and  whieli  he  shoiihi  iiave 
slated  in  justiro  to  (Toveitior  Hr.wn,  if  liis  ob- 
ject was  to  act  fairly  to\\ards  his  political  op|)o- 
nent,  (and  1  will  not  question  his  tiiirness.)  IJy 
reference  to  th(!  journals  lie  wonid  have  learned 
that  Governor  Brown,  when  bronohi  to  a  vote 
at  that  very  C'oni)'ress,  ii|ii)n  his  i.ill,  (as  it  was 
called,)  with  the  notice  in  it,  voted  for  it;  tliere- 
hy  voting  for  the  notice  at  the  same  time;  and 
also  in  the  most  conclusive  manner  trivinnr  his 
own  unequivocal  construftion  of  the  j)hraseolo<,''y 
of  his  report:  if  he  had  been  satisfied  that  Con- 
gress co\ild  not  direct  or  advise  the  President  of 
the  United  Stales  as  to  the  f^ivinir  of  the  notice, 
why  did  he  vote  for  the  bill  with  the  notice  in 
it?  It  will  not  do  to  tell  me  it  was  his  anxiety 
to  have  his  bill  passed;  however  much  he  miuht 
have  estimated  the  bill,  be  could  find  no  justifi- 
cation in  voting  for  it,  if,  in  his  opinion,  it  con- 
tained a  provision  upon  which  Congress  had  no 
power  to  legislate. 

Another  omission  occurs  in  liis  speech,  to 
which  1  will  for  a  moment  allude.  He  enume- 
rates, as  we  are  autliori/ed  to  conclude,  all  of  the 
then  members  of  the  Conunittet^  on  Territories, 
(six  in  number,)  and  all  democrats,  you  and  my- 
self of  that  number.  I  do  not  feel  that  it  is  ne- 
cessary to  disavow  any  one  of  the  results  or 
conclusions  of  that  reporl.  !  have  not  read  it  to 
this  day,  and  am  not,  tin  refore,  prepared  to  con- 
demn it;  though  if  I  had,  as  [  have  before  at- 
tempted to  show,  I  do  not  stand  committed  ne- 
cessarily to  any  part  of  it.  F  was,  at  that  ses- 
sion, a  member  of  the  Committee  on  public 
Lands,  and  had  very  heavy  labor  to  perform  on 
it;  and,  as  a  consequence,  could  not  attend  often 
the  meetings  of  the  territorial  committee.  I  will 
not  say,  for  I  do  not  remember,  whether  that  re- 
port was  ever  read  in  committee.  I  was  so  often 
absent  that  it  mght  have  been  read  when  1  was 
not  present.  I  can  say  this,  however,  for  mj'^- 
self,  that  if  I  ever  heard  it  read  at  all,  in  or  out 
of  committee,  it  has  escrapcd  my  recollection.  I 
remember  no  such  thing,  and  am  of  the  belief 
that  I  never  heard  it.    That  Governor  Brown 


ssion  ?  Cen^■re^ 
know  B  our  la 


ih'  t 
d. 


had  aulhonty/rom  th.:  vmiwntli-c  to  make  »f  ('ong 
re|Mirl    I  have  no   doubt;  jiiid  lliat  lie  may  icky.   (i 
n  ad  it  to  ihe  eonunillee  I  ihmk  i|iiili'  pml Indiana, 
However,    leing    wh(dly    uniinporiant,     I  (Hie  el -it 
pass  it   over.     JiCl   niert  turn  lor   a    niorm  k  froiu 
ibis   deriioeralic;   eoinmilti  e   u|'  siv.  aiul   li:Bli.asw 
niie  step  fiirthi'r.     I  (ind    iipini  the  juMrir,il-;i«s  to  ( 
tben>    Were  nine  ieend)ers   i.l'  the  ("oniniitMof  the 
'J'rrrilories,  and    that  the   iliree  wliieb  ihemytair 
tl( man  oinitted  to  name  were  whifrs.  and  o!    I  liave 
unmlier  bis  eidli'a»ije,  now  in  n.y    eye,  (  iMi.  ISmith 
iJii()WN,|  was  one.     VN'hy  'his  omissioi 
will  not  venture  to  say   lie   did   not 
were  members   of  Ihe  coinmillee.     ll  is  h;lOn  diret 
veasonai)le  lo  su|ipose  ho  lltnnd  tlie   names     to  giv 
part  on    tin!  journals  and    nut    the  whole  ;i»  now 
much  more    iinieasonaitle  would  if  bi;  lo  sujich  a  chi 
thai    he   found  the  names  ol' the  six   demu  an  exp 
and  could  not   rind    the  wbii.rs.     VVherc!  I  h  a   vie 
their  names  on    the  journtil*   they   are  al  hostile 
gelher,  and    mixed   up  til    that:  so  that  if  linserteu 
attempted    to  lake   Ihe  oiii  and    not  the  ollimen  avo 
would  liav('  b(>en  compelled  to  look  over  all    Can  I 
names  lo  gel  them.     I  do  not  ehai}.re  this  Jii^si;  ol 
intentional  omission    of  that  honorable  meii>^l  if  we 
luMuay    be  abb;  to   show  that  il,  was  accid(i«(vitable 
If  I,  however,  had   done   so,  I  assure  this  i<|p  of  al 
mitlee  it  would  necessarily  have  been  inten'jfr— a  wa 
al.     I  cannot   well  see   how  I    could    have  ip  lo  an 
il  through  mistake.    Then,  sir.  if  the  demcl.     How 
on  thai  conmiilt«^e  snbscni)ed   to    the   «r/»in,i  justify 
and  coiidiisions  of  thai  report,  so  <lid  the  w  a^  a  vole 
they  made  no  counter   or  minority  reporl;  ae   wante 
I   am    inconsistent,  so   is   the  gentleman's  5'|liimsel 
league   |  Mr.  BiiowN  | — for  if  the  argumenih(|en  lo  I 
vanced  bo  correct,  that  we  are  all  bound  as  to  have  | 
iiig  virtually  subscribed  to  that  report,  you  luBon  the 
but    lo  look  a  little  further  in'o   the  journa"ai  would 
that   same  Congress,  and  yon  will  iiiul  tlr.i'iiWe,  for 
rectly  in  the  face  of  this_/«nn'erf  committal  ijjinestion! 
colleague  voted  to  insert  a  provision  int*)  tl>aii»  their 
directing   the  President   to  give  the  notice,  niay  dci 
such  was  the   vote  of  every  whig  member  »t  all  proj 
in  his  seat  from  the  State  of  Tennes.see.     let  the  qi 
very    natural  that  I   should  ask  liow  is  thi<but  will 
What  sort   of  consistency  does  the  gentln  Ibeliev 
himself  present  ?    Why  did  he  fail  to  state  n  me. 
what  appeared  of  record,  implicating  alike  VBtsin  myi 
as  W'ell  as  democrats  V  i  proceed 

Mr.  M.  Brown  rose  to  make  an  explanand  diM'eiu 
and  was  proceeding,  when  Mr.  Houston,  l«nit,  ifyo 
ing  from  the  chairman  thai  this  interruiwhich  th 
would  be  counted  in  his  time,  said,  t,  I  hold 

Mr.  Chairman,  I   cannot  yield   the  flooilioate  anc 
am  to  lose  the  time.     I  would  gladly  accompocially 
date  gentlemen  by  yielding  for  explanation  i-Oiay,  w 
time  would  allow  me  lo  do  so.     I  wish  to  livi^^  the 
one  injustice,  and  if  the  time  were  not  rcckaufBt  oft 
against   me,  I  would  much   prefer  to   hear  hin  our 
explanations  as  I  prwjeed.    They   must  ex*  refuse 
me,   however,  and  take  their  chances  rorghtly,in 
floor  as  I  have  done.  v  a  nioi 

Sir,  a  minority  report  has  beeen  made  l|^  No 
the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  at  thisl^|e 


wr 


MMan^J 


umullrc  to  iiinio'  if  ('(»ii2;ross,   Hijriicil   hy    my    I'lirml    rntiii 

iikI  lliiit  li(>  iiiiiy  icky,  |Mr.   (i.    Dwis.j   liy  a    irrnilcniaii 

iliiiik  i|iiil('  ppjllmliiiiia,  I  Mr.  ('.  li.  Smith,]  atid.  I  think. 

imidipnrlant,     I  (Hir  cUf.    'I'lir  rt'|«irt  is  iiit  hcfurt'  iiu'.  ami 

luni  t!ir  a    iiioimll  from  niciiiKry.    As  I  iiinlcrstaiid  tlwMMii 

('   111'  six.  iirul  lt,0».  as  well  as  the  r('as(iirKi.rs  ol"  tlial  ri'ii.iit, 

i|)nii  the  ji)iirir.ilsi<s  tu  T'Liii^rrrss  the  power  In  aft  upmi  the 

i.r  llio  ('(iimiiilMot'  tlic  iinlice  coiitPinplatcil  hy   the  rcsoli!- 

ilirce  uiiich  ihcM)  yonr  lahlc.^     Vet  the  two  (jrcnthMiuMi  lo 

erii  whiirs.  und  oi    I  iiave    rcfern'il  [.Mr.  (i.  Dwts  and  Mr. 

I  ill  iiiy    I  yp,  I  Ml.  8mitii  |  voted   al    tlie  last   session  of  the 

'  this   nniissioii  ?  ^oiiuress  to   incorporate    into   ilic  bill  o.\ 

I'   did  not  know  jjf  our  lawH  over  the  territory  of  Oreiron,  a 

iiooillep.     It  is  liilOU  directiiijr   llie  I'resident  of  the    I'nited 

iinnd  the  iiniiies     to  irive   the    notice   sulHtanlially  as    we 

not    iho  whole  ;»  now  t(»  do   it.     How  can  they   account 

ivoiild  it  be  to  siiiich  !i  chano-e  ol"  opinion  7     Will    they  at- 

ul' the  si.K   deiiK;  an  explanation  ?     I  may  he  told  ihey   did 

vhiifs.     \Vli(>re  I  h  a   view  ot"  dcstroyinj)-  tiie  hill;  that  they 

iial«    they   are  a l hostile  to    it,  and  l)t>licvcd.    if  the    notice 

that:  so  that  it'  linstrted,  theiiill  wonid   he  (leloatod.     Can 

1'  ;md    not  the  utlitnen  avoid  the  diflicnlty  hy  such   explana- 

d  to  look  over  all    Can  llicy  reconcile  such  a  (toiirse  totln-ir 

not  char<.re  this  iiiopse  of  propriety    and    riii'hl  1     We  are 

at  hoiiorablo  lueii^  if  we  nrive  the  notice  that  war   will  be 

liat  it  was  acciddlJvitahle  result— a   war  which  will  he  de- 

so,  I  assnro  tiiis  it»?  ot'  all    tiie   important    interests  of  the 

'  have  been  iiiten'|^--a  war  in  which  onr  honor  will  he  iiii 

wl   could    havoji  to  an    iimiece-sary    extent,  if  not   tar- 

I,  sir.  if  the  demcl.     How   can  any  c.ih    who  believes  tliest; 

ed   to   the   «r^jM.^stify   betbre  the  world,  or   his  own  con- 

lort.  so  <lid  the  wla^|  a  vole  for  the  notice  ?     It  will  not  do  to 

ninorily  report;  ae'l  wanted  to  defeat   another  bill,  and  thus 

the  gentleman's  3 'iliiiuself.     Better,    liir  better,    would    it 

r  if  the  argumenitfen  to  let  liie   other  bill  pass  into  a  law, 

are  all  bound  as  te  have  placed   so  larire   and   important   a 

that  report,  you  Itnon  the  haziini  of  a  ''sinn-lr  (//c."     Such 

lie  jonrnaii  would,  in  my  conception,  l)e   totally  in- 


in'o 


mui  tlni'iiHie,  lor   our   true  true    policy   is   ),i  meet 

(tHricrf  cornmittal  Ijhestions  fairly,  and    to  advocate  or  resist 

provision  into  thW  their    irierils  or   demerils   in  onr  jodir- 

give  the  notice,  B^toy  demand.     It  is  my  intention  to  vote 

y  whijj  mpmberjtall  propositions  on  this' subject  which  fail 

of  Tennessee,    let  the  question  fairly.     I  will    not  shrink 

ask  how  ia  thi'bm  will  meet    the  responsibiiy.     In  that 

does  the  gentb  libelieve  th(!  cruvdi  body  of  the  people  will 

1  he  fail  to  state  n  me.     [f,   however,  l"  should  be  unable 

plicating  alike  vstain  inyi-elf,  I  will    have   the  consolation 

I  proceeds  from  an  .lonost  intention  to  pro- 

inake  an  explanand  di^feiid  my  country. 

Mr.  Houston,  Imit,  if  you  pleasp,  that  this  is  not  a  question 

at    this    interruiwWch  this  House,  can  speak  authoritative- 

le,  said,  t,  I  hold  that  the  executive,  in  disehargintr 

t  yield  the  floorHotte  and   important  duties  irrowinjr  out  of 

nld  gladly  accomp|aicially   under   the  circumsUinces"of  this 

for  explanation  i^y,  with  great  propriety  consult  and  ad- 

so.     I  wish  to  (ivi^  the  re|)resentntives  of  the  people.     In 

le  were  not  recfcs^t  of  the  case,  we  might  not  i)e  bound  to 

prefer  to  hear  .hli|»  our  opinions  or  advice;  yet,   if  we' 

They   must  cv^  wfuse  it,  our  people  would  condemn  us, 

eir  chances   for  ghlly,  in  my  judgment.     Look  if  you  will, 

» a  moment,  into    the   true  state  of  the 

18  beeen  made  t«L    No  president  has  ever  offered  to  give 

Relations  at  thisme  without  submitting  it  to  Congress.— 


I  TIh'  Honsc  oi  liepresi  utalivPH  of  the  la.sl  (.!on 
ijress,  and  prior  to  the  installation  of  the  present 
{'resident,  assnined  to  havi'  jurisdiction  of  this 
subject,  and  passed  a  l)rovision  which  wa- miiI 
to  the  Senate,  directing  the  President  of  tin? 
I'nited  Stales  to  irive  the  notice;  and  the  Senr.tc 
have  had  liet'ure  them,  of  their  own  accord,  hi 
inilar  propositions  —have  enterfainid  and  de'ialcd 
them — iherelty  recoatnising  the  (|ucslion  of  ici- 
tice  as  a  legislative  imitter,  and  as  within  their 
jurisdiction.  These  lliiinrsare  all  of  record,  and 
an-  spread  out  upon  your  journals  and  knov.ii  to 
the  President  and  the  country :  Now  it  is 
trravely  insisted  that  the  present  K\i  ciilive 
shall  take  the  whole  rPsponsii)ilily  upon  himself. 
K.veii  sii|)posiiig  I  he  President  felt  th'it  he  had 
the  power  iiiuler  the  constitution  to  givr-  ihe  no 
lice  :  is  il  fair  or  rrasiuialile  to  expect,  in  the  t'acc 
of  all  these  facts,  that  lie  should  have  given  it 
without  saying  a  word  to,  or  consullino'  Con- 
gress ?  Do  you  not  ask  iA'  him  too  much  ?  If 
he  has  erred,  it  is  on  the  side  of  safety.  Sup- 
pose he  had  given  the  notice  and  involved  tho 
country  in  war :  he  would  have  been  censured 
and  abused  throui>liont  the  length  and  breadth  of 
this  country;  and  by  (hose  of  both  parties  who 
are  attempting  to  rest  the  entire  responsibility 
upon  him.  lie  would  have  been  denounced  as 
arrotjating  to  himself  power  "not  cout'errrd  upon 
htm  by  the  constitution  and  laws,  but  in  deroga- 
tion of  both,''  for  thus  attempting  to  grasp  and 
concentrate  in  his  own  hands  the  power  of  peace 
and  war.  He  did  not  pursue  that  course,  and  [ 
am  glad  that  he  did  not;  nor  does  he  now  pro- 
pose to  avoid  responsibility.  He  tells  you  the 
notice  should  be  iriven.  VV'^hat  more  could  he 
say  I  It  is  a  fatal  mistake  to  su|)pose  that  we 
can  avoid  this  question.  The  people  will  listen 
to  no  special  pleading  upon  a  measure  like  this. 
They  s(<nt  lis  here  to  act  tiir  our  country.  Then 
let  ns  do  it.  They  expect  us  to  meet  resjxjnsi- 
bilify;  and  (or  one,  though  I  do  not  court  it,  lam 
ready  and  willing  to  meet  it. 

It  has  been  staled  in  this  debate  that  a  large 
portion  of  the  democrats  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, at  its  last  session,  voted  against  in- 
serting in  the  bill  then  before  them  a  provision 
directing  the  notice  to  be  given:  and  the  inquiry 
is  made,  why  it  was  not,  at  that  time,  a  party 
question — and  why  were  not  thos«i  who  voted 
against  it  "read  out  of  the  ranks  of  democracy?" 
As  I  have  already  said,  I  am  o|)pospd  to  making 
this  a  parly  question,  liecausn  it  is  wrcmg,  and 
should  not  be  done.  Yet  gentlemen  should  re- 
member that  the  case  then  presented  bears  no 
analogy  to  the  one  now  before  the  committee. — 
At  that  time,  negotiations  were  in  progress  be- 
tween the  two  governments;  and  at  this  lime, 
as  far  as  we  know,  or  even  believe,  negotiations 
are  not  in  progress.  Then  the  President  wished 
to  continue  his  negotiations,  and  did  not  solicit 
the  interposition  of  Congress;  but  nmo  the  Pre- 
sident has  informed  Congress  that  he  has  failed 
to  adjust  :   ,;   .'Ifficulty  by  negotiation,  and  our 


wmm 


,.l 


aotiuii  IH,  l)v  liiiii,  inviitvl  anil  rfCDtnnKndt'rl. 

TlioHi'  ciiiisiiltTiitidiis  li:i(l  ^rt-al  iiitliMiii'i^  ii|miii 
tlint  vole,  ll  will  alHo  lit^  leiiitiniliinrd  I  hat,  iil 
the  ticiK!  Ill'  tliiif  voir,  iluTc  was  a  joiiit  rcsoUi- 
tioii  peiiiliii^  iit  (!'iiiiiiiiM*T  ol'  llii!  \Vli<<lt<  on  lilt' 
.slate  of  the  Hiiiiiii,  dirfctiiirf  the  notin'  to  hv. 
jrivni;  Hiitl  it  was  the  winli  ol'  inaii}'  ul'  the 
fritiKls  of  Ort'ijoii  that  llio  two  mt'asiirfs — llu* 
bill  arnl  llic  ihtticc — slionld  he  kept  separate; 
and  I  am  asijitrrd  that  many  who  wi  re  llieii  tor 
the  iiotico  votod  a;raiimt  pultin:;  it  in  the  liill, 
bp'^'"isc  they  I'lared  that  hotli  meaHures  would 
bi)  thereby  eiidanirered.  'I'hey  wiHlied  taeli  to 
Htand  scparutc  I'miii  llie  other,  and  ii])oii  its  own 
merits,  so  that  the  one  Hhoiild  not  jeopard  or 
prejudire  the  other. 

Ill  ciiiinoxion    willi    this  point   of  the  oa.><e,   I 
hope  I  may  Iw  allowed  to  r«t'er  to  a  speeeh  made 
by  tho  I'rosidtiiit  in  IH"-^),  when  a  member  of  the 
HiJUHe  of    Representatives,   on    the    Hiibject  of 
Oregon.     Ft  mijrht  be  wise  in  IIib  friends  of  Ure 
jroi\   to  look  to  that  s[H'ecli;  they  may  |)uSHibly 
find  enou&[li  in  it  to  inakt!  them  doubt,  at  least. 
the  fate  of  sueh   a    ttirrilcriiil  bill    as  we  m'lirht 
prefer.     I  greatly  (hsinr  t  ■  see  some   eiricienl, 
bonelieial   le<rislatioii  on  this  snbjeet.     I  want  to 
see  onr  cilixens  tliere  eiijoyinir  the  f.ill  protection 
of  our  lavvH.    Jjow  shall  we  aeeomplish  that  pur- 
pose?    f  know  of  but  one  sure  way,  and  thai  is 
the  notiee  as  a  first  step,     fjel  us  divest  our- 
selves  of  the   shaeides  of  the   treaty,  and  then 
we  can    ieyislatc  w  iilioul    the  t'ear  of  vi.   ..Jitjr 
treatie.s.     Wo  never  ran  urirwnw  a  coinplcte  yo- 
vernuK^nt  there,  until  tiie  treaty  is  abro}rattd. — 
You   may   pass  bills  whieii  will  do   sonie  (jood; 
you  eaii  now  extend  our  laws  over  the  riti/ens 
of  the  territory,  saving  and  exceptinj/  British 
subjects;  and   you  may   allord  protection   to  the 
eini;Trant  on  his  way    t-.  Oreiron.      Uul    it    is 
thought  by  many  alile  statesmen  that  you  (taimot 
give  him  a  home  after  he  gt  t.s  there   while  the 
treaty  exists,  thougli  I  believe  we  can  give  him 
lands  prospeetively,  to  vest  absolutely,  after  the 
line  shall  have  beiMi  run   betvveen    the  two  yo- 
vernments,  or  the  one  yields  all  to  the  other,  in 
which  event  no  new  line  will  be  necessary.    IJnt 
if  there  is   a  serious  doubt   about  it.  let  us  solve 
that  doubt  by  abruaatiug  the  treaty,     ll   must 
finally  come  to  that   in  any  reasonable  contin- 
gency. 

If  we  should  pass  a  comphle  territorial  bill, 
our  chances  for  war,  1  apprehend,  would  bo  in- 
creased. Lord  Palinerston  and  Sir  Robert  Peel 
have  both  declared  thai  sueli  a  bill  would  vio- 
late the  treaty.  In  debating  that  (juestion  in  the 
British  Parliament  Lord  Palmerston  said  : 

"What  has  happened  lately  about  that  (Oresou) 
question  >  Why,  the  Senate  have  actually  passed 
a  hill  for  immediately  taking  forcible  possession 
of  the  whole  of  that  territory;  and  the  senator 
who  brought  in  that  bill  expressed  his  conviction 
that  the  American  claim  on  this  territory  would 
immediately  be  acquiesced  in  by  Gri  at  Britain,  if 
it  was  only  urged  in  what  he  was  pleased  to  call  a 
proper  manner.    It  is  impossible,  I  conceive,  that 


this  bill  should  pn<«s  the  othrr  branch  of  Jhi'  JooHe 
lature;  hut   if  it   were    to  puss,  and   to  be^i^v    t';i 
U|>oii,  it  would  b«;  a  deelaration  of  war.     It 9,  and 
tie  the    invision  and  «-eizurc  of  a  territory  j^(,|'  i)[\ 
pute  by    \irlue  of  a  decree  made  liy  one  aai'tjis 
parties  in  its  own  favor."  _    \)r.\\\ 

To  wliieh  Sir  Uobert  Pool  replied  :       fcaband 
"'i'lie  noble  lord  says  Ihc  adoption  of  tli»  Hous 
would  bo  a  ease  of  war.     I  wi  I  not  diHcus>)gB_.wl 
tlietieal   eases  of  war,  when,  as  I  l>avo  Huij||iiig  11 
executive  government  has  signified  to  us  ''"*^t,  or 
to  maintain  peace,  and  to  effect  a  satisfartiffij,p'^[^, 
jii'itmcnt  of  the  question  of  the  Oregon  ter^  ".^u 
I  trust  in  the  assi, ranees  of  the,  executive  \^^' ' 
nient;  and  I  will  not  believe  that  it  will  i.'^"'  '  ^ 
consent  to  a  legislative  measure  at  variami^'*'"*'" 
these  us.^iuraiiees.''  ll*  ',  '|' 

'Phiy  are  not  alone  in  llie  opinions  the'*"." 
advanced;  iiiatiy  of  our  own  statesnu'U  ''"**,|'^.^ 
similar  views.    In  the  disciisHion  in  the  SeT*    J 
the.  ITnitod  Slates   in  l8'lH,on  a  bill   kiu 

Linn's  bill,  Mr.  Calhoun  said  :  .  . 

,       ,  .     dot  C(jii 

"Kven  I,  who  believe  that  the  prest^it  >i'|^iv, 
is  disposed  to  peioe,  that  the  recent  niis: 
thi' country  originated  in  the  spirit  of  pear 
that  Sir  Robert  Peel  has  exhibited  great 
and    moderation — inodenition    in    the    ini 
splendiil  success,  and  therefore  more  to  be 
— i!o  not  dovht  she  would  resist  if  we  shoul 
this  measure." 


„B4,pin 

Wph  a 


el 


In  that  same  speech  Mr.  Calhoun  ^''^'I'l^^of  ^h 

"I  am  not  however  of  opinion  that  Giciygie  by 

tain  would  declare  war  against  us.     if  1  nf"^  pywi 

not.  she  is  under  the  direction  at  this  time  o,^j|  had 

who  are  too  sagacious  and   prudent  to  talig(jj|f,||ly 

course.     Hhe  would  probably  consider  Iho^^,  s .  c 

at  an  end,  and  take  possession  adverse  to  usaaain  at 

of  tiie  whole  territory,  at  least  of  the  ''dltj^jirhieh 

river.     She  would,  at'the  san»c  time,  take y^^are  di 

command   that   river  by    a   strong  fortili^ch  l»;^ 

inanneil  by  a  respectable  garrison,  and  lea\,j|lz(.iis  a 

us  to  deciile  whether  we  shall  actjuiesce,  i)i,|||  of  th 

fiite,  or  attempt  to  dislodge  her.     To  actuft^dvanl 

under  such  circumstances,  would  be  a  virtii^ought 

render  of  the  territory.     To  negotiate  wi,|&fexclu! 

verse  iind  forcible  possession  against  us.  y^'tHtXy  pr> 

almost  as  hopeless;  and  to  dislodge  her  at  [Mi  eithi 

would,  as  has  been  shown,  be  impracticin|i|tiie 

Such,  in  my  opinion,  would  be  the  probaWiM»out 

suit,  should  this  bill  be  passed."  525f°'"" 

I  do  not  intend  to  ho  imderstxwd  as  ass^^^^gJI 

to  these  opinions.     I  voted  for  the  hill  ^^^  ^f 

Congress,  under  the  belief  that  it  did  not  ^g  all  b 

our  Treaty  with  Great  Britain,  nor  do  I  tiyolve  th 

would.     I  am  endeavoring  lo  show,  lunlallon  c 

tliai  soaie  of  the  ablest  stiitesmen  in  Blnglanoifra  ini 

well  as  in  the  United  States,  entertain  thbl^n  th 

ninn  that  a  territorial  bill  wtmld  vit)late  'l"**^ Ul 

ty,  and  that  war  would  be  the  conseque; JW  ^^^^ 

war   which   would,  in    the  minds  of  son^JiBtioi 

least,  carry   with  it  the  odium   of  bad  fa'^Tits 

on  the   part  of  this  government — of  a  p^^n  y 

violation  of  existing  treaties.     I   wish  tO|Arap1 

that   imputation;  I' wish   to  avoid,  if  ixxgjpbei 

even  the  suspicion  of  a  breach  of  feith.    ||i[j^^® 

have  to  fight,  let  us  do  it  in  a  clear  case;  «Wer  ( 


^.X.si--*.. 


9 


Dpi 

(iwn 


othfr  hnvnch  (if  tluJoiwn  fDin  llic  r»»t*tru'ti(in.s  nf  Mip  tnvily,  by 
to  piiis,  anil  to  \iv^\fy    t!if  inttifc   rtnliiriiiubly  to   its  seriiiiil  ar 
aralion  of  war.     1 1 9^  ami    ilicii  we  can    NjiiHlatc  li»r   tli>' pmUv 
i/iircnf  a  Ificitory  j^„f  „„r  |MM.pli\  and  llw  adviiiic  nuMil  (if  tli< 
Y'ce  niadi)  Uy  one  ^^y^^  ,,,•  ,|„,  ,.„|intry.     Sni-li  arc  niy  \  irwH  u\\ 
H  branch    of  tlit-   Hnl»j«'t:t.     And    wliiln  I  do 
t  Peel  ff  plind  ;        taliandoii  as    wniiin;  tlio   poHition   assmncd  by 
the  adojifion  of  thj.  House  t»f  RcprcHititativort  of   the  ".^Hlh  ("on 

1  wi  I  not  diHcnssjgg wliib'  I  totally  repudiate  the  idea  of  eon 

nhen,  as  I  l>avo  8ai{Ji„.r  niy  opiniouH  to  the  opinions  of  the  I're 
i.s  signified  to  us  iN§jtf„r  any  one  ..|se-y<t,  nir,  in  the  fear  that, 
loeflpxt  ri8atisfart,ff.^^i^(i,,./^^,.  „„^.l,t  fail  to  aecon.pli.sh   any 

■licve  that  it  will  u-^"'  »"«'  1'""^  luirmonious  aetion  ot  our 

mcasuroat  varianl4«Hmfln   and  people,  and,  it  possible,  to  avoid 

If,  I  am   williujif  to  yield    for  llu"    present  the 

n  tl ,inions  the.tt«»tf»l  A^iUtires  of  the   territorial  bill,  until   we 

own  8t;,l,.8n.en  i.„l^  abroffUe  the   treaty  entirely.     Let    iis  then 

iscusHion  in  the  Se^*  ^••"  '"  ^ '"'''  "'"'  l"*"""  ''."'  '"■^'^. '''''  ''"' '" '"  *'." 
^'13.  on  a  bill  kiioPl'*^"^'*-"'''"'  l"""'^<''''i""  "'  •'"'"  ^'/''''f"^;  "'"'  '" 
„  j,.|j,j  .  '  llljph  all  reasonable  men   can  unite  as  beiiin'  in 

.,',.■  .     iio.t  coniori'iity  to   the   Irealy;  nnd    when  llio 

that  the  piTHttit  n,^,^,,,  „„„.,i,k  expire,  we  can  do  the  re-,1. 

have  another  estraet  from  Mr,  Calhoun's 
eh  in  support  of  these  viciws,  which  I  liad 
tten  to  read  at  iin  earli'-r  slaire  of  my  re- 
ks,  but  which  I  bt^g  the  in(hili;ence  of  the 
mitlee  for  perinisHion  to  read  at  this  time  : 
•*Mr.  Calhoiin  said:  Hut  if  our  finances  were  in 

^Ir.  Calhoun  furlhp«if '^ofl<"'f''*'''"5  '^  ^^'^'e;  ''"  t*'*  politieal  condr- 
v>  ri  all  of  the  country  were  asslrongas  it  could  be 
opinion  that  |p'"*-'^e  by  an  adinniistralion  standing  at  the  beaci 
against  us.  If  I  nf^  powerful  dominant  party;  and  if  our  popula- 
ction  at  this  time  oi^  had  reached  the  point  -vvheic  we  could  ^ue- 
nd  prudent  to  takgH^fnHy  ssert  and  maintain  our  claim  a'!;ainM  the 
bably  consider  Ihejt^,,^  ,.,ai,n  of  (Jreat  Britain,  there  would  Mill 
ssion  adverse  to  |ijg(|mi„  ad«-cisive  objection  to  this  bill.  The  mode 
at  least  of  thr  '<ilu_jirhieh  it  proposes  to  do  il  is  indefensible.  If 
re  displeased  with  the  e\isting  atrangcuiont 
ich  leaves  the  territory  free  and  open  to  the 
ens  and  subjects  of  the  two  countries;  if  wc 
of  the  opinion  it  operates  practically  to  our 
dvantage,  or  that  the  time  has  arrived  when 
,^ought  to  assert  and  cany  intoeH'ect  our  claims 
To  negotiate  wi,j^fexchisive  sovereignty  over  the  territory,  the 
sion  against  us.  wcimiy  provide?  expressly  for  the  casi.'.    It  author- 

0  dislodge  her  at  fjjn  either  party,  by  giving  a  year's  notice  toter- 
►vn,  be  impracticiuilfete  its  existence  whenever  il  pleases,  and 
uld  be  the  probaWifhout  giving  reasons.  VVhy  has  not  Ibis  bill 
issed."  cowformed  tv)  this  express  and  plain  provision  ? — 

iindfrst^ood  'is  -nJ^^  should  it  undertake  to  assert  our  exclusive 

.    I  i-      ,u  "l-ii  o^fiership  to  the  whole  territory,  in  direct  viola- 

e    u!-     !•?      "^  «f  tl'<^  treaty?     Why  should  it,  with  what 

e\  that  it  (lid  not  ^^  all  belisve  to  bt;  a  good  title  on  our  part,  in- 

ritam,  nor  do   I  tVolve  the  country  in  a  controversy  about  the  vio- 

ng'   to   show,  hoilatlon  of  the  treaty  in  which  a  large  portion,  if 

Latpsinen  in  Englanota  majority,  of  the  body  believe  that  we  would 

Lates.  fiiiterfftin  ttibtrfn  the  wrong,  when  the  treaty  itself  might  so 

would  violate  tlii««01y  ^^^  '"  so  short  a  time  be  terminated  by  our 

be   the  conseque**?!'  **'*»  '^"^  "^®  charge  of  its  violation  be  avoid- 

the  minds  of  suWp'^" 'J"V't^l''^*''Vh''''"!w,''' ^''^"  ^"^  ^^'^''^ 
..  <•  u   1  f  q^tions?    I  ask  the  authoi  ol  the  measure  and 

odium  01  bad  la'^  ^^  advocates  for  an  answer.  None  has  been 
ernment  01  a  I'SgiyJen  yet,  and  none,  I  venture  to  assert,  will  be 
ities.     I    wish  to^|mjtnpted.     lean  imagine  but  one  answer  that 

1  to  avoid,  if  pc^fe  be  given — that  there  are  those  who  will  vote 
breach  of  ^ith.  fp  the  bill  that  would  not  vote  to  give  ttie  notice, 
t  in  a  clear  case;  JiWer  the  delusive  hope  that  we  may  assert  our 


lat  (he  recent  mis" 
1  the  spirit  of  pear 
s  exhibited  great 
ration    in    the    mi^ 
refore  more  to  be 
resist  if  wc  should 


e  same  time,  take 
!    a   strong  fortitli 
garrison,  and  lea\,'|l 
shall  acquiesce,  or,, 
idge  her.     To  acqj 
s,  would  be  a  virt 


en<'liisiv«  ownership,  md  lake  poMewon,  with'>ut 
violating  the  treaty  f>r  endnngrring  the  peace  i, 
the  country.  Their  aim  is  to  have  all  the  JM-ncfit 
of  the  treaty  without  being  subjiM  I  to  its  restric- 
tion!'—an  aim  in  direct  contlict  with  the  only  ob- 
ject of  the  treaty— to  previ-nt  cordlicl  belwi-cn 
the  two  countries,  by  Iceping  the  ()uestion  of 
ownership  or  sovereignty  io  abeyance  till  the 
ipiestion  of  boundary  can  be  settled. " 

Wearo  now  told,  if  wo  give  the  iiotitre,  wo 
will  involve  the  country  in  war;  and  some  have 
irofK!  80  far  as  to  call  the  notice  a  war  measuro. 
and  it.s  friends  the  war  party.     We  have  heard 
imi'-h  in  this  debate  alHtnt  a    peace  and  a  war 
party.     I  presume,  Mr.  Chairman,  no  one   bp- 
lieves  there  is  a  parly  in  ("onfircss  in  favor  of 
war  •■  for  wnr'.i  sake,"  merely  for  the  purpose  of 
havinix  a  fiifht.     There  is  no  such  parly  hen;,— 
If  uentlciion  mean  by  the  "  war  pnrty"  to  de- 
sijrnate  those  who  i)refer  war  to  an  infcloi-imu 
pmi'c,  they  are  correct ;  there  is  such  ti  parly  in 
Conuress,  and  a  iimoh  lar{,rer  one  in  the  country, 
'rlieeonnlry  Iihj' jrrown  tired  of  this  frecpionl 
cry  of  war  •  it  fails  to  alarm  or  excite  the  jieo 
pie  :  even  the  timid  have  become  familiar  with 
it.  as  a  sort  of  *'  liomeMd  word:'  and  are  un- 
moved by  it.     H'.  therefore,  it  ih  in  any  way  in- 
tended  to  frighten    them    from  their  course,  to 
force  them  into  a  false  ixisition,  to  induco  them 
tonpi.    V  the  irjvin-j  of  the  notice,  it  la  wholly 
minvai.i    -.and  had  better  be  al)andoiied.     If  jrea- 
tloir^^'i   vant  to  keep  the  comilry  cnit  of  a  war, 
ttiey  must  satisfy  the  pw)pl»^  that  il  would  be  for 
^o"ie  cause,  in  Iho  particular  case,  dishonorable 
or  unne(v3«.rv  ;  but  never  ajipeal  to  their  fears. 
Don't  underrate  the  strength  of  yuur  own  coun- 
try, and  overrate  thai  of  our  adversary.     Uo  not 
tnll  them  that  thev  would  be  whipped,  lor  ihey 
will  not  be  made  to  realize   it.     By  s»icl'  urgu- 
ments  you  bulinrtame  their  pnssons;  tney  know 
thev  cannot  be   vanquished    by  any    nation  on 
earth  ;  and  if  ihev  but  belii^vc  tiioir  cause  is  jiist, 
they  feel  doubly  armed.     I  have  the  chanty  to 
believe  that  nn  reiippxUihlr.  meaiber  of  this  com- 
mittee would  intentionally  and   wilhoui  causa, 
involve  the  country  in  nn  unnfteessary  or  dishon- 
orable war  ;  we  are  all  for  peace,  be.t  difter  as  to 
tlie  best  means  of  preservin«T  it. 

Tn  the  extract  I  have  just  read,  Mr.  Calhoun 
did  not  consider  the  notice  a  war  measure,  but 
the  reverse.  He  uraed  it  upon  the  consideration 
of  tho  Senate  as  a  first  step  for  our  government 
a  son  of  preliminary  to  the  further  action  ol 
Conirress  upon  the  subject ;  not  as  a  war,  but  as 
a  peace  policy.  He  said,  and  said  truly,  that 
the  treaty  provided  e.xpressly  for  it,  and  that  we 
h.id  a  rio-hl  to  give  it  without  assignin«-  ow  rea- 
unm.  He  characterized  the  hope,  as  vain  and 
delusive,  that  we  could  avail  ourselves  of  the 
benefits  of  that  treaty  without  subjecting  our- 
selves to  its  restrictions.  I  endorse  and  adopt 
his  opinions  as  then  expressed,  as  to  the  peace- 
fill  character  of  the  notice.  None  of  us  know, 
or  can  know  in  adTance,  whether  it  will  or  will, 
not  produce  war.    We  have  our  opinions,  and  I 


■^«ip 


W] 


have  tjiven  minfc  lo  the  cominiilec 

If,  liowever,  Great  Britain  desires  a  oonfliot 
with  the  United  Slates,  that  condict  will  come 
whether  wo  wive  or  withhold  tlio  noiio(!.  No 
fair  or  honorable  course  we  cnn  adopt,  under  such 
circumstances,  will  avoid  it.  If  she  fi;j[hts,  it 
will  not  ho  for  Oreiron.  but  for  soniothitifrof  much 
more  im|)ortaiice  in  her  estimation  ;  Ore<jon  may 
he  the  pretext,  but  not  the  real  cause.  I  ludd 
that  war  will  not  immediately  proceed  under 
any  circumstances  from  the  atrtion  of  Congress, 
and  that  if  it  result  at  all  Inm  it,  it  will  be  as  a 
remote  eonsequenc(!  dfpendinj;!;'  \ipon  oiitinjreii- 
cics  which  may  or  may  net  happen  in  the  terri- 
tory of  Oregon.  It  will  proceed  as  an  imme- 
diate conse-juence  from  a  collision  of  the  citi/.ens 
and  subjects  of  the  two  jrovtriimenfs  there — from 
a  conflict  of  laws — of  the  authorities  of  ihv  two 
nations.  Suppose  \\c  jjive  th(>  notice,  extend  our 
laws,  and  take  j)oss<^ssiou  of  the  country,  war 
need  not  be  inevitable,  thouirh  it  may  be  jirolja- 
ble.  If  the  people  who  live  there  conform  to  our 
laws,  as  they  may  do,  we  will  of  course  have  no 
war;  if,  however,  a  portion  of  them  should  he 
disobedient,  and  resist  the  due  execution  ol" 
those  laws,  a  confiiet  would  ensue  at  once,  and 
then  war  would  follow,  uidess  an  adjustment 
should  be  had.  The  same  may  be  said,  and  with 
the  same  reason  and  f  irce,  if  we  should  extend 
our  laws  and  attempt  to  take  pt).ssessioti  of  the 
coimtry  without  the  t)otice. 

I  will  not  so  far  violate  the  proper  rules  of  or- 
der as  to  impeach  the  motives  of  uentlemen  :  I 
have  no  inclination  to  act  with  even  seemins; 
unfairness  towards  them.  Vet  the  fear  at  times 
presses  itself  upon  me,  that  much  of  this  talk  of 
war  is  intended  to  prejudice  the  quc^stion  betore 
us- -that  it  is  used  as  one  of  the  weapons  of  war 
against  it;  and  as  being  appropriate,  I  will  read 
an  extract  from  a  speech  delivered  by  one  of  my 
colleagues  in  the  28th  Conuress,  uT)on  the  Ore- 
gon  bill  then  |)eii(ling.     Mr.  Belser  said  : 

"  If  anytliing  can  produce  war  between  the  two 
governments,  it  is  this  :  It  is  a  direct  and  positive 
declaration  of  ownership  in  the  soil,  and  can  only 
be  justified  on  the  ground  that  these  conventions 
of  1818  and  1829  have  already  been  rendered  null 
and  void  by  Great  Britain,  without  fault  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States.  Uless  honorable  gen- 
tlemen could  bring  their  minds  to  this  conclusion, 
they  ought  not  to  sustain  the  bill  in  its  present 
shape;  but  should  amend  its  provisions, and  there- 
by render  it  sufficiently  prospective  in  its  opera- 
tion for  time  to  be  given  by  this  givcmment  to 
Great  Britain  to  terminate  the  joint  agreement  of 
1827,  and  let  the  controversv  afterwards  rest  upon 
the  better  title. 

"  He  had  observed  in  the  commencement  of  his 
argument  that  the  admission  of  Texas  and  the  oc- 
cupation of  Oregon  were  great  America.)  mea- 
sures ;  they  were  ;  and  he  hoped  this  House  would 
adopt  the  latter  as  promptly  as  it  did  the  former. 
He  that  dallies  upon  such  questions  is  utifit  for  the 
high  station  which  has  been  assigned  him.  The 
most  insidious  form  of  opposition  to  Texas  is 
that  which  denies  to  Congress  the  right  to  increase 
our  territory  by  legislation,  and  the  must  deceptive 


against  the  occupation  of  Oregon  is  the  cuckoo  t 

of  war.       »»*»#*»      Id  not  h 

"  Its  passage  may  lead  (o  collsion,  to  confli||  is  in 
of  jurisdiction,  and  tdtimatcly  to  war;  but  tliifjis   ma 
are  the  risks  attendant  on    nations,  and  which  ||ing  by 
times  must  be  taken.     The  American  people  hdjline  uti 
become   tired   of  fruitless   negotiation,  of  crafa,c,  ,,f  j 
diplomacy.     After  forty  years  of  this  kind  of  P"'3to„|l(»ni| 
It^y  with  the  same  nation  in  another  celebralg      . 
boundary  case,  we  lost  a  part  of  Maine.    The  c;  ,„ ' 
then  was,  if  we  did  not  settle  by  negotiation,   v  M  ^'' 
should  have  to  resort  to  the  sword.     And  the  a%  J^"  "^ 
gunuint  now   is   that   we   will  offend  that  grca^''!"  •'• 
power,   if  we    attempt    to   exercise  jurisdicticdi  has  fi 
over  Oregon."  fo  shuv 

The  honorable    nu'inbcr   from   Virginia.  [Mi|rks. 
IiAVi,v]   cctutendcd    that    if   the  United   Sfatfjjjg  ; 
should  give  the  notice.  Great  Britain  might  waiw.  .j 
it.  and  commence  a  war  immediat(dy  ;  that  tl,Xaiirig 
notice — the  twelve  months'  time — being  for  In  ©nited 
lienefit,  she  had  a  right  to  waive  it  if  she  saw  I  coast  sc 
to  do  so.     I  differ  with  him  in  that  opinion,    ough  th 
do  do  not  SI)  read  or  understand  that  article  of  tl™''^  "'I*'. 
conv(M)tion.     The  notice  of  twelve  months  is  •r'™"  "'  , 
tended  fi)r  the  benefit  of  both  nations,  and   m.'**  °  ,1, 
•alont^  f  )r  the  one  notified.     The  one  giving  tlr^T        ' 
notice  i.s  presumed  to  do  so  with  reference  to  tlr^'^""'^  ■ 
time  which  must  intervene,  and  has  a  right  \^'^'  ^I' 
claim  it.     If  the  reverse  of  this  he  true,  the  na'^^      -'^ 
tion  notified  may  giv(^  no  indications  of  a  wish  t'^^'^*'""' 
waive  flic  notice,  may  seem  to  acquiesce  in  it' 
and  in  that  way  throw  the  othfr  nation  entirel;!.^ 
off  her  guard,  until,  under  pretence  \)f  trade  0™^,      f! 
commerce,  she  has  her  vessels  hovering  arouni^P.  '. 
our  coasts,  or  until  she  finds  the  largest  amouni^!'^^'"" 
of  our  commerce  afloat,  unsuspecting  and  coin** .  '  ^  . 
paraiively  defcnccdess  ;  and  iill  at  once,  when  wi"**  '" 
had  had  no  right  to  exptK-t  such   a   thing,  sh<  **•  '"'  ^ 


iition , 
of  the 


would  "^  pouncf.  doim?''   upon   us,  and   in   tha 


His  s(!cc 


T«  ^fU  111  fJlJlMUJjT.        IJlXJIf/m  II  L/^  'II  U^y       tClltt  III  bllU 

way  gain  a  decided  advantage.  Aside  from  that''-**''.  ~~ 
if  his  doctrin<>  should  hold  good,  the  nation  g'^J^^'^Vc 
ing  the  notice  never  could  tell  when  the  treati™^ ''^"' ^ 
would  probably  terminate.  If  the  nation  »t»ti?r*  j 
fied  had  the  right  to  waive;  the  notice  the  day  i;**^"  '*"* 
was  received,  she  could  do  it  at  any  other  timi'"^""'^^ 
between  that  day  and  the  expiration  of  the  twelvf^^.p  " 
months,  so  that  every  advantage  would  be  givei'^l^' .  ' 
to  her  by  being  notified.  The  treaty  is  notabro'^^  "f  P 
gated  on  tin;  day  tht;  notice  is  ofiven,  but  kf"7^  ,^ 
twelve  months  thereafter,  during:  which  time  ir'y^ 

Britain«*«lty^ 


is  in  full  force,  and  (piite  as  sacred  and  obligator/®^^ 
as  it  is  at  this  moment ;  and  if  Great  Britain 
should  act  upon  any  other  principle,  she  would^'P'^^P' 
stand  condemned  by  the  whole  civilized  world,  '**"  ^^ 
as  well  as  by  the  "God  of  battles."  '^wT^'' 

Nor  does  the  case  put  by  the  gentleman  re-^!^^  ^\ 
lieve  him.     His  doctrine  will  not  hold  good  be-|?J*  " 
tween  individuals,  where  the  law  requires  oneto^^     '^^ 
give  the  other  notice  for  a  certain  specified  length'^?""' 
of  time  before  he  can  proceed  in  court  against°|^,'. 
him.     I  admit  that  the  party  notified  can  waive ^J^|*' 
the  notice,  and  proceed  immediately  to  trial,  if'*!^''    J 
the  other  party  consent  to  it,  but  not  otherwise.'® 
The  party  giving  the  nctice  is  presumed  (as  '"J^'*^*^, 
the  case  of  the  two  nations)  to  give  it  with  refe-  v^*^? 


rence  to  the  time  which  the  law  specilies,  and 


lifted, 


! 


11 


I'cgon  is  the  cuckoo  < 

*  *  #  Id  not  bf!  rurccd  into  trial  bofore  its  (jxpiration. 
collsion,  to  confiiiji  is  in  this  ease.  Fiii^rlami  and  the  I'nited 
ly  to  war ;  but  UKlf s  may  waive  the  notice,  and  commence 
ations,  and  which  iiinji-  by" consent,  if  they  please,  Imt  it  cannot 
Vmorican  people  ha||n(!  utuler,  and  in  accurdance  with,  the  |)r()- 

n  another  cde'brSf"''''"'P"'^^l.' ;'•-*>''';>•  *;';"«i^'";''"'  »';.'«  f"'' 
of  Maine.     The  f»«  piiralk-l  ol  latitude  «};»'-',  but   not  farther; 

li  by  negotiation,  v-  M^  ^'''  "''^'  insert  intu  iIk^  tjotice,  or  append 
word.  And  the  a*,  an  asserlion  of  tith;  to  that  line,  they  will 
II  offend  that  grcapor  it.  iMy  honorable  col l»>acriie  |  Mr.  D.\ji- 
e.vercise  juriisdictiora  has  fallen  into  lh!:t  error,  as  I  will  endea- 
fo  show  it  to  lic  btlbrc  I  jict through  with  niv 
Irom  Virginia.  (iMilrks.  Mis  second  resolution  is  in  these 
the  United   Statrtjs  ; 

Britain  micrht  wai\,-p;j.  ,i,ulbe.U  furlkcr  molvcd,  That  the  line 
rnediately  ;  that  tl.^atinu;  the  British  j.iovinces  of  Canada  from 
:ime— being  for  In  Bniteii  States  hhould  be  extended  due  west  to 
uve  it  if  she  saw  I  coast  .«outb  of  Fraser's  river,  and  from  thence 
in  that  opinion,  ough  the  centre  of  the  Straits  of  Fnea  to  the 
id  that  article  of  tliO^c  ocean,  giving  to  the  United  States  that 
welve  months  is  ir^"  of  the  territory  south,  and  to  the  govern- 
th  nations  and  ni***  "^  freat  Britain  that  portion  of  the  terri- 
'l.c  one  giVing  th^f  "''^'''  ^^  ''^''^  ^'"^•" 

ith  reference  tT)  tli^^""^*'  consistently  with  my  notion?;  on  this 
md  has  a  right  ttl^'^  ^"*''  ^'%  ''•     '  consider  both  of  his  reso- 
lis  be  true,  the  m^^  objectionable,  and   will   proceed  to  give 
cations  of  a  wish  t'jf<^^^""s  for  that  opinion.     I  obji^ct  to  his  first 
to  acquiesce  in  jt'^iution,  because  it.  in  etTeet,  directs  the  Presi- 
hf  r  nation   entirelAf^^  ^'^®  United  States  to  reopfui  the  negotia- 
(itence  ^f  trade  o''*     '  ^'"  ^^'iil'"2"  =^"'1  desirous  that  the  qucs- 
s  hovering  arouni"^'^""''^  ^^'  settled  amicai)ly  and  honorably  by 
lie  largest  amounSlj'^*'""'^ '  ''"'    '   ""'   unwilling  to  fl)rce  the 
specting  and  coni**'lpf'f  to  reopen  tlmm.     I    leav(>   that   with 
I  at  once,  when  wW  '"  ^he  belief  that,  if  it  is  proper  for   him  to 
such   a   thing,  shi  *»»  ^"'  will  lake  that  course, 
us,  and   in   thai-'^i*  ^'''^''"^"' ""''^'^'"tio" — the  one  which  I  have 
Aside  from  that''^***^"'^ — •*'  obj(X'!ll(inahle,  because  it  bU^nds  the 
i,  the  nation  o-iy.lo  with  the  notice,  which  it  stntuld   not  do. — 
when  the  treat\'*'|K  '*"'  separate  and  distinct  propositions,  and 
the   nation  noti'*'*^  ^^'  ^^V^  ^^-     •'^"''    '    ''•'^"'  ""t   what  my 
notice  the  day  if'^"  ah"ut  our  vitle  may  be.   I  could   not  vote 
It  any  other  timi'''l"""*''^'^"S  '^  with  the  notice.     Let  us  first 
ition'of  thetwelvf'^*!*^*'  notice,  and  throw  ourselves  hack  upon 
[e  would  be  givei''^^^'^ '  ""^   '''  ''^  ^ln^  mean  time,  while  the 
treaty  is  notabro''^  is  running  to  its  termination,  the  govern- 
is   o-iven,   but   iri^"!^  think  pro|)er  to  negotiate,  let  them  do  so. 
ig  which  time  li^*^  ^'^®y  '"^y  '>  '"'*  ^^  they  do  not,  and   the 
red  and  oblio-atnr/®^*'  months  elapse  without  a  settlement  of  the 
if  Great   ^ritair^'^'ty,  then  the   title  becomes  a  legitimate 
eiple,  she    would'^  1P'""P'''"  ^"^'j'^'^t  '"r  debate  and  investigation, 
civilized  world/'**'*  ^^  propose  to  take  rxclnsive  possession  of 
les."  leifcrriiory,  the  question  very  propf>rly  presents 

le  gentleman  re^'^»  ^^^^  *'^'"  ^^^  ''^'''  "'  '■''^  United  States  ex 
ot  hold  good  be-'"^^     '^  '"  '**^°'  ^'"'"'  ''^'^  '*'*  *^top;  if  to  54"^ 
w  requires  one to^*'*^^'"*^' "^'^  "^  ^o-     '  ^i'l  g<'  to  what  I   hon- 
n  specified  lengtli'^3^  *'""-''''*''^  ^^^  extent  of  our  title,  but  not  be- 
in  court  against°5f '|:         ,  ,    . 

tified  can  waive  -  jf''*  ve  the  resolution  of  my  colleague  will 
lately  to  trial  if'***"*  an  amicable  adjustment ;  that  it  will 
it  not  otherwise.  ****"*  farther  negotiations.  In  his  notice  he 
presumed  (as  jn'"'?*^^^  to  mark  the  boundary  line,  and  to  say 
ive  it  with  refe^*'®'^^*  Britain  that  she  must  come  to  the  line 
w  specifies,  and  **'^*'*'' ^"' ''?'''•     ^^^^^  '  understand  to  be  the 


e/Twt  of  it.  and  she  will  doubtless  so  construe  it. 
What,  then,  will  Great  Britain  do?  What  can 
she  do?  She  has  uftcu  relused  to  yield  to  49°, 
and  we  tell  her  sIk;  sliali  yield  to  it.  I  am  sure 
we  will  not  difler  alxiut  a  refusal  on  our  part  to 
fall  lower  down  than  that.  The  difliculty  with 
us  is,  Will  we.  (-an  we  .>,in'.i'  to  I'P?  My  ob 
ject  now  is,  not  to  show  thai.  49°  is,  or  is  not, 
the  true  line,  but  to  show  that  the  efTect  of  such 
aclio;i  would  he  a  fight  iieyond  all  doubt.  Can 
Great  Britain  neijoliate  any  farther  with  such  a 
threat  hanging  over  her?  iJoes  any  mendjer  of 
this  committee  lu'lieve  she  would?  Under  this 
state  of  the  case,  would  she  not  tell  us,  and  very 
properly  tell  us,  that  she  could  not  treat  or  ne- 
gotiate farther,  while  the  threat  remained  unre- 
sciii(i(!d?  I  am  satisfied  that  jiuch  would  be  the 
course  of  our  government  under  like  circumstan- 
ces;  and  r  therefore  tliii.k  that  war  must  he  the 
conseiiuence. 

V^iew  it  with  reference  to  our  own  Exeentive, 
and  it  is  no  better.  We  say  to  him,  in  the  first 
resolution,  that  the  Oregon  difliculty  is  a  "sub- 
ject of  honorable  neijoiiation  and  compromise, 
and  should  be  .so  adjusted,"  and  in  the  succeed- 
ing resolution  of  the  same  series  we  shut  the 
door  against  all  n(,'gotiations — we  take  it  out  of 
his  hands.  Hovv  can  he  negotiate  when  thus 
compromiited  ?  What  is  left  for  him  to  do  ?  I 
grant  he  could  cause  a  note  to  be  written  to  Mr. 
Pakenham,  covering  a  copy  of  the  resolutions  of 
ConLTCss  disclosing  the  iiUimalmn  of  this  gov- 
(>rnnient.  Great  Britain  would  say  •■  I  cannot  ac- 
cede to  that  proposition  ;■'  and  there  negotiations 
must  terminate,  as  the  President  can  do  no  more. 
England  might  propose  to  give  us  more  of  the 
territory,  even  than  49°,  if  we  would  connect 
other  things  with  it.  She  might  want  the  use 
of  somc^  of  the  harbors  in  certain  contingencies 
south  of  49°  ;  and  she  tnight  agree  to  yield  more, 
if  wv.  would  give  her  some  specified  commercial 
privileges.  Indeed  there  are  many  other  matters 
which  might  be  connected  with  the  Oregon  con- 
troversy to  induce  a  more  favorable  termination 
of  it  lor  us.  I  do  not  name  these,  because  I 
think  they  should  be  used  by  the  President. — 
My  object  now  is,  lo  show  that  the  resolution  to 
which  I  refer  would  cut  ofi'  all  negotiation ;  yet 
gentlemen  who  advocate  it  say  they  are  for  ad- 
justing the  question  l)y  iiegotion  and  compromise. 
We  had  quite  as  well  relieve  our  Executive  en- 
tirely of  this  whole  subject,  as  to  go  the  length 
(iioposed.  Why  not  direct  the  clerk  of  the 
House  to  deliver  to  the  British  minister  a  certi- 
fied copy  of  the  resolutions  ?  [t  would  amount 
to  the  same  thing  in  the  end,  as  though  it  were 
done  by  the  President,  or  Secretary  of  State.  I 
hava  before  remarked  that  1  could  see  no  con- 
nexion between  this  question  of  notice  and  the 
title.  It  is  necessary  to  give  the  notice  whether 
we  have  title  to  all  or  to  only  a  part  of  Oregon. 
This  controversy  should  be  settled,  that  the  gov- 
ernments may  know  the  extent  of  tlieir  right;,. 


VJ 


I ; 


I:- 
1 1 


If  our  title  is  odod  to  only  a  part  of  the  territory, 
it  is  even  iimro  iin|)(irtaiit  tlial  an  iididstnie'nt 
should  1)0  luni  than  if  it  wen?  known  to  he  iniod 
to  all ;  for  if  oiir  peopln  jro  beyond  llif  true  line 
to  which  our  title  extends  and  make  settlenic  iitis, 
wo  will  never  iiive  ihem  n\>,  title  or  no  title.— 
In  such  a  case,  the  y.n)\)\e  would  not  listen  to 
special  plcadinjr.  The  time  has  p;is.-:i-d  when 
this  governrnent,  under  any  administration,  will 
venture  to  surrender  up  or  liansfer  ius  citizens 
to  any  other  nation. 

Althonjih  it  is  not  my  intention  to  discuss  the 
title,  I  will,  however,  make  a  brief  allusion  to 
an  argument  of  my  colleajrue  [Mr.  Dargan] 
upon  the  Nootka  Sound  convention  between 
Great  Britain  of  17<Xi,  and  the  effect  of  the  war 
of  17%  between  those  nations  upon  the  provi- 
sions of  that  Irealy.  He  contended  that,  bv  the 
treaty  of  1790  at  Nootka,  Great  Britain  obtained 
the  rifflit  of  sf^tllernent,  which  gave  her  an  inte- 
rest in  the  soil,  and  therelore  could  not  h(>  abro- 
gated or  aniiuUod,  unless  with  her  con.sent.  He 
referred,  in  illuslraiion  and  support  of  his  position, 
to  the  treaties  by  which  this  government  aerpiir- 
ed  Louisiana  and  Florida,  and  demanded  to  know 
whether  a  war  between  the  United  States  and 
France  or  Spain  would  ai>rogate  tiie  treaties  of 
1803  and  1819.  and  relransfer  to  those  nations 
the  territory  which  the  United  States  obtained 
from  them.  No  one  could  hesitate  toansw(?rhis 
tpie-slion  in  the  negiitive.  I  do  not,  however, 
consider  the  cases  as  at  all  analogons.  Treaties 
are  contracts  between  nations;  and  yet  it  does 
not  follow  that  they  are  all  of  the  same  precise 
character.  They  are  widely  different — some 
executed,  giving  a  permanent,  a  vested  right,  as 
in  the  purchase  of  Louisiana  and  Florida  ;  and 
others  executory;  others,  again,  in  the  process 
of  being  performed,  but  never  completed,  and 
from  their  very  nature  cannot  be,  because  they  are 
C(mtinuinp;—swh  as  all  reciprocal  commercial 
treaties,  where  the  consideration  is  a  perniismm. 
on  the  part  of  each  nation  that  the  otluT  may  do 
particular  things,  the  permission  of  the  one  being 
the  consideration  for  the  permission  of  the  other 
In  ihe  cases  of  the  purchase  of  Louisiana  and 
Florida,  the  contract  is  executed  :  the  considera- 
tion has  passed  entire  into  the  hands  of  the  ven- 
dor, and  it  is  beyond  i)ur  reach.  We  have  pos- 
session of  the  territory,  and  have  organized  our 
federal  and  Stale  governments  in  it.  War  can- 
not, therefore,  abrogate  or  rescind  ihem  so  as  to 
affect  our  rights  under  them.  We  now  have 
commercial  treaties  with  Great  Britain — treaties 
of  trade.  The  vessels  of  each  nation  enter  the 
ports  of  the  other  in  pursuance  of  treaty  stipula- 
tions. But  if  we  should  declare  war  against  her, 
all  of  these  stipulations  would  be  abrogated,  and 
the  vessels  of  neither  could  enter  the  ports  of  the 
other. 

I  come  now  to  the  treaty  of  Nootka  Sound, 
under  which  these  rights  are  claimetl ;  and  in 
OTider  to  obtain  a  proper  understanding  of  its  pro 
visions  as  far  as  they  bear  upon  this  point,  so  as 


lo  enable  us  to  determine  to  which  class  of  I 
ties  it  belongs, it  will  be  necessary  fur  me  to; 
its  third  article  :  r»ry  tic 

"Art.  .'J.  In  order  to  .strengthen  the  hon<lf|p?  or 
friendship,  and  to  preserve  in  future  a  perfect  rt  sp< 
mony  at)d  good  understanding  between  the  A,"" 
contracting  parties,  it  is  agreed  that  their  resj^ 
tive  subjects)  sliali  not  be  disturbed  or  molfjLj  j^g 
either  in  navigating  or  carrying  on  their  fish^' 
in  the  Pacific  ocean  or  in  the  South   seas,  o 
landing  on  the  coasts  of  those  seas  in  places  fl 
already  occupied,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying!] 
their  commerce  with  the  natives  of  the  coutT 
or  of  making  settlements  there — the  whole 
ject,  nevertheless,  to  the  restrictions  specificitfleme 
the  three  following  articles."  tftd  ih 

There  can  arise  but  one  point  of  di^i  -te  coas 
about  this  article.  AVe  will  doubtless  all  ati„^?tp»" 
that  the  rights  of  navigating,  fishing,  and  " 
ing  on  the  coast,  for  the  purpose  of  carryingi 
commerce  with  the  natives  of  the  country  [ 
commercial  privileges,  or  falling  within  thatcN 
and  as  such  would  be  abrogated  and  annulledc 
a  war  between  England  and  Spain.  But 
nected  with  the  riglit  of  landing  on  the  eoa'^ 
also  the  right  of  making  settlements,  about  wH 
so  much  has  been  said.  And  my  pur|K)8ei 
show,  if  I  can,  that  tfie  right  of  settlement| 
given  in  that  treaty,  is  of  a  character  idenij 
with  those  which  precede  it  in  the  same  artij 

Under  the  third  article,  as  read,  JJritish 
.jects  have  the  privilege  of  navigation,  fishij 
landing  on  the  coast  not  alr(>ady  occupied,  foiJ 
purpose  of  carrying  on  their  commerce  with  i«ttlem< 
natives,  or  of  making  settlements  there.  |.freen  ' 
contended  that  the  right  of  settlement  carMBni'if 
with  it  the  right  of  soil ;  and  that,  therefthe  c""^ 
(rreat  Britain  under  it  had  a  right  even  to  pinwdeni 
a  colon)'  there  if  she  chose  lo  do  so.  Miiuch 

I  bog  lo  differ  with  those  who  hold  that  itages  gi 
nion.  I  consider  that  the  entire  grants  of  ilMlweei 
article  of  the  treaty  relate  to  the  one  grand  Mr.  ' 
leading  object  which  Great  Britain  had  in  vbi  prefi 
at  that  time— /Mi/jg  and  c(fmyt/4g-  mi  cowMm^y- 
with  the  natives  of  the  coviUnj.  She  did  wl  loi 
want  to  make  settlements  for  any  other  purnjpws  U 
we  wanted  no  colony  there.  And  if  you  iftty  *' 
l(K»k  to  the  history  of  that  transaction,  you  \WttBed 
find  that  the  difficulties  which  le<l  to,  and  w  Uwnen 
settled  by,  the  Nootka  Sound  convention,  ort^^sfie 
nated  entirely  from  an  ettbrt  on  the  part  of  1  toward 
tish  subjects  to  exercise  the  very  privileges  Open  a 
terwards  secured  to  them  by  that  treaty.  Tt  <^P*1  * 
wanted  the  right  to  fish  and  trade;  but  to  es  ^ct  o 
cise  those  rights  usefully  they  must  also  h  The  n 
the  right  to  navigate.  How  could  they  fish  s  •jr'"?' 
cessfuUy  without  the  right  to  navigate  the  v  Ueniii 
tors?  Indeed,  the  article  itself  says,  "novi'g  ^1^^' 
ing  or  carrying  on  their  fisheries  in  the  Puc/*^"* 
oceans  The  rights  to  land  on  the  coast  «  ^iV^i 
make  settlements  were  indspensable  to  fu^i  wn 
and  trading  with  the  natives.  For  if  they  vt  Wg" 
not  permitted  to  land,  how  could  they  carry  ^^^ 
commerce  with  the  natives  1  And  if  they  i  iMghe 
no  right  of  settlement,  no  right  to  erect  td  »  acj 

yresei 


R  tu  which  class  of  I  i  ^^ 

ocessary  fur  me  to  i 

rjury  houses  or  huts,  liow  could  they  cure  ihoir 
strengthen  the  hondi^  or  establish  and  carry  on  Cijmniffrce  ?  But 
B  in  future  a  perfect  j»  sjpecify  these  minor  riurhta,  if,  by  "settle 
ndiiig  between  the  »/'  Spin  intended  to  give  an  interest  in  the 
greed  that  their  resp  An  nnrestricted  right  of  aettloinent,  tlie 
ri7Tn7on  their 'SI? '^  construed  and   understood   by  my  fol- 

the  South   seas,  o 
lose  seas  in  places' 


purpose  of  carrying 
natives  of  the  coun 
there— the  whole 


e,  <!arries  with  it  all  sutxjrdinafe  and  inci- 
1  rights.  If  Spain  intended  by  the  right 
ittlement  to  convey  the  right  of  soil,  it  was 
lly  unnecessary  to  specify  the  additional  pri- 
es which  were  granted :  for  the  right  of 
restrictions  specificittfemeut,  carrying  with  it  the  right  uf  soil.en- 
■*■  tftd  the  settler  to  navigate,  fish,  and  land  on 

"le  point  of  dlW.ie  coast,  and  trade  with  the  natives,  witliout 
viJl  doubtless  all  aj^jAitpress  grant  for  tliat  purpose.  Then  why 
ting,  fishing,  and  Itaje  they  inserted  ?     Fisiiing  an^ 


)ijrpuse  ot  carrying; 
es  of  the  couutry^j 
falling  within  thatcH' 
)gated  and  annulledi 
and  Spain.     But 
anding  on  the  eoa 
'itlenients,  about  w 
And  my  jJurjKjse  i 
iglit  (»f  settlement 
a  character  iden 
it  in  the  same  anij 
as  read,  British 
f  navigation,  fishi 
Iready  occupied,  for 


and  carrying  on 
ipe  with  the  natives  of  that  country  were. 
i),^ble  einploymeols.     England  knew   that; 
in  order  to  secure  them  to  her  subjects,  she 
.pn.lyjjpecilied  them  iu  the  ihird article «f her 
iy   WiHh   Spain,  but  also  enuninr^tcd  other 
r^vbich  were  necossitry  to  enabhaJier  sub- 
to  e4ijoy  and  u^e  pruAtably  the  ]>riyi|eges 
arnd.  /They  w^nt^d  to  establish  trading  points 
re  ihe  natives  could  iind   them  tli at  they 
[ht  ^^j^ry  on  commerce — wht;re  tlwy  could 
,,Q^re  and  prepare  their  fish  for  >  market. — 
t^Qin^i>t,xira8  necessary  for  th^  uurtpwse.  Tak- 
Jthe^  V4ei\v8  of  the  treaty  of  1790  between 
t  Britain  and  Spain — construing  the  term 
ir  commerce  witti  Mttlement  used  in  it  us  I  do — distinguishing  be- 
tth'ments  there.    j."WDen  the  extent  of  its  meaning  there,  and  the 
of  settlement  cariUOaning  we  ordinarily  give  to  it— I  am  led  to 
;  and    that,  therel'ilw  conclusion  that   it  was   intended  as  a  mere 
I  a  right  even  to  pinoident  to  the  right  offishing  and  trading  ;  and 
i  to  do  so.  usuch  was  abrogated  with  the  rest  of  the  privi- 

)se  who   hold  thati^fes  granted  in  that  article  by  the  war  of   17% 

I  entire  grants  of  itattween  Spain  and  Great  Britain. 

;>  t(j  the  one  grand  Mr.  Chairman,  peace  is  desirable,  and  should 
It  Britain  had  in  \k$  preserved  if  it  can  be  done  in  an  honorable 
ciirnfing-  on  conjt«i*Bly.  But  I  tell  gentlemen  now,  ana  hope  they 
nnUrif.  She  did  tlill  look  to  it,  if  tiicy  suffer  the  present  Con- 
ibr  any  other  purjxfliws  Ut  adjourn  without  action  on  this  *iuestioii 

re.     And  if  you  tttlBy  will  regret  it.     The  people  have   been  ha- 

transacHon,  you  i rawed  long  enough  with  it;  they  demand  itsset- 
hich  led  to,  and  v  tbment,  and  will  be  disappointed  and  much  dis- 
md  convention,  or  ■•tisfied  if  we  adjourn  without  doing  all  we  can 
rt  on  the  part  of  J  towards  it.  If  this  controversy  should  remain 
le  very  privileges  open  and  unadjusted,  so  as  to  constitute  theprin- 
y  that  treaty.  T;  «p»l  element  (as  it  will  do)  in  our  next  popular 
nd  trade;  but  to  pj  ewct  ons,  there  will  be  no  half-way  house  left, 
they  must  also  k  "the  next  Congress  will  be  forced  on  by  public 
AT  could  they  fisli^  Minion  arising  from  a  feverish  state  of  the  pub- 

to  uavigat«  the  v  Iw  mind  caus^  by  our  failure  or  refusal  to  act  at 
(self  says,  "navi^  thb  Corigress. 

heries  in  the  Put  The  President  of  the  United  States  has  taken 
id  on  the  coast  :  k%h  ground  upon  this  subject.  His  message  has 
Ispensable  to  /m/ii  buen  endorsed  and  eulogized  throughout  the 
s.     For  if  they  w  length  and  breadth  of  this  Union.    The  people 

could  they  carry   Ipve  responded  to  his  positions  in  tones  of  the 

I I  And  if  they  1:  lUghest  approval,  and  it  now  becomes  our  duty 
right  to  erect  tp  te  act.    Shall  we  do  so?    Must  we  stand  still, 

yec(?de,  or  go  forward  1     These  questions  are 
presented  to  us  and  to  the  country.   Let  tis  meet 


tne  crisis;  and,  in  so  doing,  act  with  manly 
firmness.  If  we  recede,  tjr  fail  to  move  onward, 
we  leave  the  administration  in  its' high  and  pa- 
triotic position  "solitary  and  alone." 

The  President  of  the  United  Slates  has  taken 
a  bold  but  ju'^icious  and  wise  step;  he  has  gone 
beyond  any  previous  administration;  and  if  we  re- 
fuse to  sustain  hiui,  we  not  only  destroy  the  influ- 
ence of  his  administration  at  home  and  abroad, 
hut  we  effectually  block  up  the  avenue  to  a  set- 
tlement of  our  Oregon  controversy.  England 
will  view  it  as  a  rebuke  of  the  President  by  the 
people — that  they  condem  his  recommendations 
in  regard  to  Oregon.  She  will  then  rest  ut  ease 
and  cease  her  efforts  to  adjust  it  by  negotiation. 
As  matters  now  stand  under  the,  treatv  she  has 
all  she  wanti),  and  if  we  refuse  lu  give  the' no- 
tice, th(^  qiie^i^tion  will  not  be  settled,  if,  how- 
ever, we  present  a  bdid  and  undivided  tiront^'give 
>the  iK>tice,  aud  show  that  a  setiiement  is  deter- 
mined upon,  and  that  it  must  come,  then^  siriin 
ir.v  vpinioo,  you  w'tll  bring  about  an  adjttsUne«t, 

Itdo  lUA  present  these  vittws  inafiarty'SeiMe. 
1  S(>f  9k  nut  a^i-  <^  par<ti0an,  but  .as-  an  Anxtrioan' — 
AD<1  I  h«>;>e< tube  so  understood.  Party  foeliligs 
ma^y  arise  among,  and  divide  us  upon  tqqos- 
tions  of  dunie^tic  r;<ilicy ;  hut  on  a  .^uealiQn' vbe- 
trwieen  the' United. •;l)tot«8  and  a  foreign  uMion, 
ithf-rO' should  be  but  one  |)»rty  in  thia-jGouatry — 
</ic  American  par,ty. 

I  do  not  mean  that  our  duty  calls  upon  us  to 
sustain  the  President  in  his  position,  merely  be- 
cause he  is  the  President,  irrespective  of  right. 
If  he  had  taken  wrong  ground,  it  would  be  our 
highest  duty  to  check  aiid  restrain  him.  Wc 
should  throw  ourselves  .nto  the  breach,  and  pro 
tect  the  country  and  its  .'vinor.  Under  all  of  the 
circumstances,  however,  as  they  exist,  I  consi- 
der that  to  give  the  notice  will  be  the  best  for 
the  country;  and  believing  so,  whether  the  Pre- 
sident were  a  whig  or  a  democrat,  I  would 
promptly  rally  to  his  support.  In  a  crisis  like 
this,  it  will  not  do  for  us  Xo  falter  or  tumptde. — 
If  we  begin  with  improper  or  unnecessary  hesi- 
tation— if  we  stop  to  plead  our  own  weakness, 
and  the  strength  of  our  adversary — if  we  exhi- 
bit timidity  or  a  want  tif  firmness,  war  vnll 
come  u()on  us.  If,  therefore,  we  would  avoid 
war,  we  must  not  evince  too  great  an  anxiety 
to  do  so. 

I  am  not  prepared  to  say  to  my  constituents 
that  we  will  have  no  war.  They  have  all  of 
the  information  which  is  in  ray  possession,  and 
are  as  competent  to  determine  that  as  I  am.  I 
have  given  them  my  opinion,  which  remains  un- 
changed. 

Sir,  gentlemen  tell  us.  that  we  are  weak  and 
defenceless  as  a  nation;  that  we  are  unprepared 
for  war;  that  our  navy  is  hardly  a  nest-egg,  our 
army  a  mere  skeleton;  that  we  lack  guns  and 
ammunition,  fortifications  and  harbors.  Indeed, 
if  we  but  listen  to  speeches  of  the  opppostion 
on  this  question,  we  would  suppse  we  had  no- 
thing to  fight  with.   They  mistake— they  under- 


T 


14 


■^    i 


rate  our  means.  We  have  implements  of  war 
in  great  profusion;  and  more  than  that,  we  have 
the  people,  the  independent  freemen  who  know 
nothing  of  fear  when  their  country  is  assailed, 
and  their  rights  or  their  liberties  endangered. — 
We  have  jUrm  hearts  and  strong  arms,  whose 
prowess  will  repulse  the  wwld  in  arms.  We  can 
never  be  conquered  by  a  foreign  foe — the  thing 
is  impracticable;  and  no  nation  knows  that  fact 
better  than  Great  Britain.  s     ,        -. 


NoTfc. — The  following  resolution  was 
to  by  the  general  assembly  of  the  State 
bama  at  its  session  of  1844  and    1845,  i1 
me  presented  to  the  House  of  Representat; 
the  28th  Congress  on  the  15th  February,  I 

"Besolfed,  That  the  true  policy  of  the  1 
States  requires  that  the  joint  occupancy  o' 
gon  by  the  United  States  and  England  ; 
cease;  and  resolved,  that  the  title  of  the  1 
States  to  the  territory  of  Oregon  is  clear  ai 
disputable. 


Extract  from  the  report  of  the  minority  of  the  committee  referred  to  on  7th  page : 

*"The  House  by  its  resolution,  might  declare  that  it  was  expedient  or  inexpedient  to  giv 
notice;  and  if  in  the  one  form  or  the  other,  the  President  might  or  might  not  give  heedtc 
BtU  it  has  no  power  to  originate,  or  to  concur  in  a  legislative  proceeding,  tohether  in  the 
of  joint  resolutton  or  bill,  to  authorize  this  notice  to  be  given.  It  can  neither  give  nor  toil 
power  to  that  end. 

*'  It  is  conceded  that  the  concurrence  of  the  House  in  a  resolution,  or  bill,  authorizinc 
notice,  would  not  in  any  degree  affect  its  validitj.     But  its  adoption  by  the  two  departmi\ 
government,  in  the  form  of  a  legislative  proceeding,  icovM  transfer  ii  from  the  treaty  makii 
the  law-making  power,  and  in  this  mode  the  incidental,  but  important  question,  whether  th 
sent  of  two  thirds  of  the  Senate  would  be  necessary,  might  be  evaded.    It  would  also  tend  to  i ' 
down  the  partition  of  our  government  among  various  branches,  by  mixing  up  the  House 
ope/i'ation  which  the  constitution  had  entrusUd  to  other  functionaries.    And  why  shotdd  the  h'- 
by  a  violation  of  all  propriety  inform,  and  without  any  effective  authority  over  the  subject, 
itself  a  party  to  this  proceet(ing?     If  the  notice  be  expedient  and  proper,  it  has  become  so  < 
out  its  act.    It  is  rpndered  so  by  the  refusal  of  the  President  to  arbitrate  the  controversy,  ai 
his  closing  further  negotiation." 


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